Thread: Gag orders? Board: Oblivion / Ship of Fools.


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Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Yo.

I'll play Damascene on the notion that "speech" is any type of expression whatsoever to ask: how far is too far?

No doubt, denizens of the pit are united around an unalienable right to run our mouths off (keyboard braves that we are), but beyond binary trash-talking, what else should be protected?

Where should the limits of speech lie, and who should make the call? Or perhaps there should be no limits (beyond the risk of a slap upside the head for anyone who ascends to ply their schtick on the town). A maelstrom of defamation, racism, show tunes, incitement?

Helluva question. Where d'you rambunctious swords wanna draw the line?
 
Posted by Doublethink. (# 1984) on :
 
Are you not able to write in plain English ?
 
Posted by Sioni Sais (# 5713) on :
 
Why is this in Hell? It's very possible that I have misunderstood Byron (heck, that could easily be his purpose) but this looks a serious question.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Why indeed? I'm going to confer with my Hostly confrères and see if we can punt this upstairs.

DT
HH

 
Posted by passer (# 13329) on :
 
Perhaps referring to this sort of issue, where Sky News displayed their Murdoch credentials by cutting off an interview with Caroline Fourrest?
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doublethink.:
Are you not able to write in plain English ?

At a grade school level, sure, but some of us move past that.

It's a serious question, with meta flair, given the fondness for cyber shitkickin' hereabouts. I'm curious to see how hellions roll on this.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Your curiosity will have to remain unsatisfied.

Hostly furry hat on

Comrades! The Polit Bureau has made an executive order exiling this thread to Purgatory for simply not being Hellish enough.

Purgatory rules apply from this moment onwards. Play nicely, we don't want it back.

Arms Hostly IBBM, straps thread to MIRV, presses the big red button.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Not hellish enough, aw, it never got a chance. [Biased]

OK, I'll do it Purg. style.

I'm curious about the consistency of folks' attitudes to different kinds of speech. I wanna see if a belief in a right to use speech for unrestricted personal abuse can be reconciled with the belief that restrictions are justified on speech that deals with matters of public concern (hate speech, Holocaust denial, all the usual nasties). Or, indeed, why personal abuse should enjoy protection that defamation and harassment lack.

What criteria are used to make these distinctions, and what's their justification?
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
I'm not sure what the answer is, but I think the concept of redress enters the equation somewhere.

If you exercise your right to free speech to spout abuse, in many jurisdictions you can still expect to be sued (for moral harrassment, defamation of character, libel, and so on). The broader the scope for legal action, the better in my view.

But then again, not everyone has the same opportunity for redress.

French comedian Dieudonné has long been targeted by the authorities here for anti-semitic speech. As a result of a tweet within the last week in which he identified himself with the terrorists, he has been arrested on a charge of incitement to terrorism.

However, as far as I know no Muslim group has sought legal action against Charlie Hebdo for, say, incitement to religious hatred. My guess (but it is a guess) is that they don't want to do this for fear of being perceived as playing the victim card - or possibly since they are simply less well-connected in the courts.

Free speech doesn't seem to be equally apportioned [Confused]
 
Posted by John D. Ward (# 1378) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
I wanna see if a belief in a right to use speech for unrestricted personal abuse can be reconciled with the belief that restrictions are justified on speech that deals with matters of public concern (hate speech, Holocaust denial, all the usual nasties).

The first point that comes to my mind is: what is the difference between "unrestricted personal abuse" and "hate speech"? IIRC, a distinction (which may well not be the same distinction), exists in British law between language which is defamatory (in the strict legal meaning of the word) and language which is vulgar abuse. Do we have anyone here with the legal knowledge to tell us about this, and also what is the legal definition of "hate speech"?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
No doubt, denizens of the pit are united around an unalienable right to run our mouths off (keyboard braves that we are)

In what context? You don't have such a right on the Ship.

That may surprise you because down in Hell the rules are pretty lax, but I'm sure you noticed there are still 'Hosts' down there.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
There's a ton of different definitions of "hate speech." Some, like England's, are focused on public order, while others, like Australia's infamous Section 18C, are focused on the feelings of the target. Here's the Australian law:-
quote:
It is unlawful for a person to do an act, otherwise than in private, if:

(a) the act is reasonably likely, in all the circumstances, to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or a group of people; and

(b) the act is done because of the race, colour or national or ethnic origin of the other person or of some or all of the people in the group.

It clearly assumes that it's wrong to "offend, insult, or humiliate" people, but, oddly, only on a narrow bunch of grounds. Offense, insult, and humiliation are not, therefore, taken to be inherently harmful. It'd be like saying it's illegal to assault someone, but only if it's on the grounds of their race or citizenship.

Eutychus highlights the issue of unequal application. Hate speech laws can be swiftly used against those on whom the state's disfavor falls, but if those in power aren't sympathetic, you're either not prosecuted, or your "suspect class" isn't included on the list.

What underpins this stuff? Is there any way to apply it consistently?
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
No doubt, denizens of the pit are united around an unalienable right to run our mouths off (keyboard braves that we are)

In what context? You don't have such a right on the Ship.

That may surprise you because down in Hell the rules are pretty lax, but I'm sure you noticed there are still 'Hosts' down there.

To clarify, I was referring not to anyone's right to post (like you say, there is no such right, this is in effect a private club) but to the legal right for the Ship to host such material. Clearly, it's thought that it should be allowed. I'm interested in the justification for it being protected speech, and if those who support it would ban other kinds of speech, like the above Section 18C.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
What underpins this stuff?

My rough and ready answer is "social consensus".

On the Ship (but note this isn't the Styx), the rules are an attempt to strike a balance between freedom of expression and constructive discussion, and stay out of legal trouble. In Hell the cursor moves a bit leftwards on that balance. The people who stick around here effectively sign up to that consensus.

On the face of it, the current social consensus in France appears to be that Jews are an unlawful target (for verbal or visual mockery), but Muslims aren't. (I think that has a lot to do with France's difficulty in coming to terms with its treatment of Jews in WW2).

I think the social consensus will shift in France as a result of current events, indeed I think it already is, but where it will end up and by what means is absolutely anyone's guess right now.

[x-post]

[ 14. January 2015, 21:33: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
No doubt, denizens of the pit are united around an unalienable right to run our mouths off (keyboard braves that we are)

In what context? You don't have such a right on the Ship.

That may surprise you because down in Hell the rules are pretty lax, but I'm sure you noticed there are still 'Hosts' down there.

To clarify, I was referring not to anyone's right to post (like you say, there is no such right, this is in effect a private club) but to the legal right for the Ship to host such material. Clearly, it's thought that it should be allowed. I'm interested in the justification for it being protected speech, and if those who support it would ban other kinds of speech, like the above Section 18C.
But there is stuff that we don't allow, is what I'm saying.

You (and I, for that matter) have pretty much got free reign to hurl obscenities at each other and basically come up with a million variations of "I think you're an idiot", but it's a fact that other kinds of comments in Hell have been removed by the Hosts/Admins. I also think there's at least one example of someone being kicked off the Ship altogether where part of the offending behaviour had occurred in Hell.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Yup, I'd agree that "social consensus" is crucial. And like you say, anyone who sticks around the Ship has, in effect, consented.

Can it be defended on any other grounds, or is it just arbitrary, decided by whatever a majority is wiling to run with?
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
But there is stuff that we don't allow, is what I'm saying.

You (and I, for that matter) have pretty much got free reign to hurl obscenities at each other and basically come up with a million variations of "I think you're an idiot", but it's a fact that other kinds of comments in Hell have been removed by the Hosts/Admins. I also think there's at least one example of someone being kicked off the Ship altogether where part of the offending behaviour had occurred in Hell.

Fair point, there's limits, but the free reign to insult and (attempt to) offend extends a long way. Should, say, 18C be done away with, as Canada's Section 13 was? 18C specifically targets insults and offense. If insults should be allowed on one ground, why not another?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Please don't talk about 18C without talking about 18D. All of the supporters of Andrew Bolt and the campaign to repeal section 18C usually ignore the fact that what he really fell foul of was section 18D. If you look at one without the other, you end up with a completely misleading view about what Australian law actually is.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Can it be defended on any other grounds, or is it just arbitrary, decided by whatever a majority is wiling to run with?

This, for the want of a better definition, is what most laws are.

As has been shown, making laws which are then routinely flouted and held in contempt by the majority leads to them being repealed. Those laws that stick around are generally there because the majority will wear them.

I appreciate that sometimes someone will want to base a law on a principle they feel very strongly about. However, they still need (outside of an autocracy) popular support.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Yup, I'd agree that "social consensus" is crucial. And like you say, anyone who sticks around the Ship has, in effect, consented.

Can it be defended on any other grounds, or is it just arbitrary, decided by whatever a majority is wiling to run with?

Well, putting my Christian hat on for a minute, [Angel] I think the apostles' comments on freedom for Christians and self-imposed limits for the common good are more widely applicable (you can see the comments I made about it last Sunday in church here starting towards the bottom of page 2 (on-the-fly translation from the French)).

Apart from that, I'm a sort of Christian Adam Smith: I think that ideally, ideas should be allowed to compete freely and the best idea win. I sort of think this was what God betted on when he introduced free will and the New Covenant, and I'm increasingly coming to the view that Christianity actually needs interaction with opposing ideologies to thrive: hence my support for a pluralistic society.

In democratic society, the price for allowing that is that some people will abuse those freedoms. I'd like to think those abuses could be dealt with through legal action rather than prohibiting the subject matter. I'd like to see a Holocaust denialist lose, not because they are prohibited from making their case, but because the facts can be shown to speak against them; or because of the way they present it.

I marched on Sunday, but I won't be buying today's issue of Charlie Hebdo. I really don't think it's helping to integrate Muslims.

[ 14. January 2015, 21:52: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Section 18D qualifies 18C with public interest and artistic merit defenses, but you clearly agree that some insults should be allowable without reaching either threshold. Should they continued to be banned under 18C?

If so, why target insults, humiliation and offense on such narrow grounds? If they're inherently harmful, surely they ought to be banned across the board in a content neutral fashion, as crimes like vandalism and assault are?

[ 14. January 2015, 21:54: Message edited by: Byron ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Section 18D qualifies 18C with public interest and artistic merit defenses, but you clearly agree that some insults should be allowable without reaching either threshold. Should they continued to be banned under 18C?

If so, why target insults, humiliation and offense on such narrow grounds? If they're inherently harmful, surely they ought to be banned across the board in a content neutral fashion, as crimes like vandalism and assault are?

What does "inherently harmful" mean?

And why do you think that the Racial Discrimination Act is the sum total of the law on insulting, humiliating and offending? The clue's in the title. I'm not going to enter into a vast discussion about the Australian constitutional system but the Racial Discrimination Act deals with the implementation of the international convention on race (the title of which I've forgotten). It's not intended to deal with any other topic besides race.

[ 14. January 2015, 22:01: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Can it be defended on any other grounds, or is it just arbitrary, decided by whatever a majority is wiling to run with?

This, for the want of a better definition, is what most laws are.

As has been shown, making laws which are then routinely flouted and held in contempt by the majority leads to them being repealed. Those laws that stick around are generally there because the majority will wear them.

I appreciate that sometimes someone will want to base a law on a principle they feel very strongly about. However, they still need (outside of an autocracy) popular support.

The whole purpose of the rule of law is that might be made, if not right, at least defensible. If law's arbitrary, why bother having it? We should just give fealty to our favored warlord and have done.

Sure, there's a Hobbesian logic to this, but is Leviathan all we can have?

Eutychus, loving the Adam Smith example. That's the position I take, keeping (using the forum's preferred definition) restrictions on speech to an absolute minimum.

I can agree with defending Charlie Hebdo's right to speak without condoning it, although given the circumstances, would set that to one side out of solidarity. It could well be argued that, by incorporating French Muslims into France's long tradition of anticlericalism, Charlie is including them, treating them just as it'd treat other French citizens.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
If law's arbitrary, why bother having it? We should just give fealty to our favored warlord and have done.

There's a difference between what you're describing as 'arbitrary' and capricious. There's a fairly fundamental difference between knowing what the law is before you act, and finding out after you've acted that your favored warlord now doesn't like what you did.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
What does "inherently harmful" mean?

Harm inseparable from the act. Every legal system accept that punching someone in the face is inherently harmful, and bans it, outside narrow exceptions for things like contact sports and self-defense.
quote:
And why do you think that the Racial Discrimination Act is the sum total of the law on insulting, humiliating and offending? The clue's in the title. I'm not going to enter into a vast discussion about the Australian constitutional system but the Racial Discrimination Act deals with the implementation of the international convention on race (the title of which I've forgotten). It's not intended to deal with any other topic besides race.
I don't think it's the sum total, I know states in the Commonwealth have their own legislation, I'm just interested in your position on the concept behind it, banning insults and other offensive conduct. Should it be repealed, or reworded to remove the references to insult, offense, and humiliation?
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
There's a difference between what you're describing as 'arbitrary' and capricious. There's a fairly fundamental difference between knowing what the law is before you act, and finding out after you've acted that your favored warlord now doesn't like what you did.

Yes, predictability's a justification, but it's a fairly low burden for laws. Shouldn't they at least have a defensible rational basis?

You could, for example, have "due process" in the sense that every accused was entitled to know the charges and have five minutes to defend themselves to Judge Dredd, but it wouldn't be high on substance.

And when it comes to predictability, 18C, even qualified by 18D, leaves a ton of uncertainty. It has a chilling effect on speech, as no one knows exactly what's banned. Australia's own human rights commissioner's called for its repeal, as it may well prohibit Charlie Hebdo.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Should it be repealed, or reworded to remove the references to insult, offense, and humiliation?

My personal opinion - and apparently the opinion of the vast majority of Australians, because the opinion poll numbers on this question were some of the strongest I've seen in a long time - is no. Society doesn't function well when you tell people they are free to inflict severe psychological harm on the people around them no matter what.

Man Haron Monis was convicted of a charge based on the same ideas, for using the postal service to offend. I am perfectly happy with a law that says it's not okay to write directly to the bereaved families of soldiers and tell them that their son or husband is a pig and that the body is contaminated.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
And when it comes to predictability, 18C, even qualified by 18D, leaves a ton of uncertainty. It has a chilling effect on speech, as no one knows exactly what's banned. Australia's own human rights commissioner's called for its repeal, as it may well prohibit Charlie Hebdo.

And Australia's own racial discrimination commissioner, from the same organisation, said that this was rubbish. It's in the same article. You're talking about someone who is a controversial appointee.

As for the general complaint about uncertainty of laws, don't get me started. If you write a law with a list of acceptable phrases, how many pages are you prepared to read? People look at principles-based things and complain it's not specific enough. People look at black-letter law and complain it's too detailed. You can have one or the other. It's obvious to me which is the better approach in this context.

[ 14. January 2015, 22:20: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
The whole purpose of the rule of law is that might be made, if not right, at least defensible.

It is defensible. "It's how we do things 'round here" is exactly the defence.

I find Jaywalking laws stupid and infantilising, and so does everyone else in my country. That's why we don't have them, not out of any deep-seated defence of liberty.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
My personal opinion - and apparently the opinion of the vast majority of Australians, because the opinion poll numbers on this question were some of the strongest I've seen in a long time - is no. Society doesn't function well when you tell people they are free to inflict severe psychological harm on the people around them no matter what.

Do you believe that "insult," "humiliation," and "offense" inflict "severe psychological harm" on if they're on the prohibited grounds? If so, what's the evidence for this? If not, should the list be expanded?
quote:
Man Haron Monis was convicted of a charge based on the same ideas, for using the postal service to offend. I am perfectly happy with a law that says it's not okay to write directly to the bereaved families of soldiers and tell them that their son or husband is a pig and that the body is contaminated.
So am I, as that'd be malicious communication, designed to threaten individuals, not advance public debate. 18C, however, goes far beyond that.
 
Posted by Enoch (# 14322) on :
 
I favour freedom of speech. We've given far too much leeway in recent years to people who insist on some right not to be offended.

Nevertheless, if we go back to Charlie Hebdo, even if one doesn't agree with doing so, it's a tenable view to limit Charlie Hebdo's freedom to be as abusive as they like, without it following that if they go too far, it's legitimately open season for casually offended members of the public to shoot those employed there.

It is also valid to draw a distinction between the freedom to express any opinion, and the freedom to express it in any way one pleases, however offensive or ill-mannered.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
And Australia's own racial discrimination commissioner, from the same organisation, said that this was rubbish. It's in the same article. You're talking about someone who is a controversial appointee.

Fair enough, but on this, he's got a point.
quote:
As for the general complaint about uncertainty of laws, don't get me started. If you write a law with a list of acceptable phrases, how many pages are you prepared to read? People look at principles-based things and complain it's not specific enough. People look at black-letter law and complain it's too detailed. You can have one or the other. It's obvious to me which is the better approach in this context.
What makes it obvious? For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable. Such opinions would clearly be snared by 18C, without any guarantee of acquittal under 18D. In having such a narrow list of criteria, the law fails even on its own terms, leaving all kinds of groups unprotected from insult, humiliation and offense.

Better, surely, to have narrowly-drawn laws that ban acts like sending malicious communications, inciting violence, and so on. Those would protect people from harm without chilling speech.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
I read somewhere that under English law everything is assumed to be permitted unless it is expressly prohibited. On the same basis, I suggest that the first principle should be that people are free to say anything unless there is a clear good reason why not.

Speech which directly incites crime is a good candidate for being prohibited. Speech which threatens an individual. Falsehoods which are damaging to an individual's reputation. Possibly speech which disseminates information obtainable only by criminal means.

No shortage of good reasons...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eutychus:
Apart from that, I'm a sort of Christian Adam Smith: I think that ideally, ideas should be allowed to compete freely and the best idea win.

That was pretty much John Milton's position.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable.

These sentences don't match.

As for obviousness, I was saying that to me it's obvious that a system that tried to restrict specific words and phrases is unworkable. Sometimes saying "Fire!" is fine and sometimes it isn't. You might as well complain that the US Supreme Court hasn't spelt out exactly what you can say and when you can say it. It has to be principles based. It's simply not possible for a law to tell you ahead of time exactly what combination of words, pictures or anything else will cross the line - regardless of exactly what 'line' we are talking about.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
quote:
Man Haron Monis was convicted of a charge based on the same ideas, for using the postal service to offend. I am perfectly happy with a law that says it's not okay to write directly to the bereaved families of soldiers and tell them that their son or husband is a pig and that the body is contaminated.
So am I, as that'd be malicious communication, designed to threaten individuals, not advance public debate. 18C, however, goes far beyond that.
This is precisely why I said you have to look at 18D as well, because legitimate public debate is one of the things it's designed to protect. Andrew Bolt was found to have breached 18C because he was found not to be advancing an honestly held opinion, but to be making claims that he either knew weren't true or was reckless as to whether they were true. How does it "advance public debate" to allow people to say things that aren't true?

I talked about lying when we were hammering stuff out in Hell. You told me there wasn't a right to lie. Why not? It's speech, isn't it? You're actually allowed to lie in all sorts of contexts.

[ 14. January 2015, 23:18: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by mousethief (# 953) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable.

The latter sentence does not follow from the former. The problem is the little phrase "as possible." Possible without risk to what? Laws restricting freedom of speech seek to reduce harm without undue hit to public good. Everything is a trade-off on those terms -- everything has both good and bad results, and this is especially true of every law.

Is allowing "the most extreme opinions imaginable" necessary? What positive good (not theoretical but actual good) does it do?
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Enoch:
I favour freedom of speech. We've given far too much leeway in recent years to people who insist on some right not to be offended.

I agree.

quote:
Worse, this system teaches people that the use of force is an appropriate response to words and images that offend—a principle that is poisonous to free speech and conducive to violence.
In the US it's possible for a black man to go to prison because a white woman complained that he looked at her funny. This is definitely a step above lynching them for the same offense, but I really don't think we need any more laws protecting people who think they have the right to never be offended.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable.

These sentences don't match.
They match fine. One progresses from another: an unrestricted opinion requires people feel free to speak.
quote:
As for obviousness, I was saying that to me it's obvious that a system that tried to restrict specific words and phrases is unworkable. Sometimes saying "Fire!" is fine and sometimes it isn't. You might as well complain that the US Supreme Court hasn't spelt out exactly what you can say and when you can say it. It has to be principles based. It's simply not possible for a law to tell you ahead of time exactly what combination of words, pictures or anything else will cross the line - regardless of exactly what 'line' we are talking about.
Of course such a system is unworkable, good thing no one proposed it here.

As laws are general, they should be as tightly-drawn as possible. Incitement intended and likely to lead to imminent lawless action conjures a clear image of what's prohibited: a firebrand riling up a lynch mob.

18C, by contrast, is hopelessly vague, and 18D is an affirmative defense. Even if you speech is justified, to show that, you have to be dragged before a judge and pay attorneys fees. Result: incentive to play it safe.
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
This is precisely why I said you have to look at 18D as well, because legitimate public debate is one of the things it's designed to protect. Andrew Bolt was found to have breached 18C because he was found not to be advancing an honestly held opinion, but to be making claims that he either knew weren't true or was reckless as to whether they were true. How does it "advance public debate" to allow people to say things that aren't true?

I talked about lying when we were hammering stuff out in Hell. You told me there wasn't a right to lie. Why not? It's speech, isn't it? You're actually allowed to lie in all sorts of contexts.

The Bolt judgment contains this jaw-dropping slab of paternalism:-
quote:
I have taken into account that the articles may have been read by some peoplesusceptible to racial stereotyping and the formation of racially prejudicial views andthat, as a result, racially prejudiced views have been reinforced, encouraged or emboldened.
That's free citizens being treated like children.

There's no right to lie, but neither is lying a crime, and truth is often open to question. It can form a component of a crime like fraud or perjury, but when the lie is a part of an opinion on a matter of public concern, since it's not tied to a specific criminal act, it should be countered not with lawsuits, but with more speech.

Going back to consistency, how d'you reconcile support for 18C, which polices speech on matters of public concern, with support for a broad right to insult people? Surely, if you don't want people to use insults or cause offense in the former context, the latter, without the public interest component, should be even more tightly policed.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mousethief:
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable.

The latter sentence does not follow from the former. The problem is the little phrase "as possible." Possible without risk to what? Laws restricting freedom of speech seek to reduce harm without undue hit to public good. Everything is a trade-off on those terms -- everything has both good and bad results, and this is especially true of every law.

Is allowing "the most extreme opinions imaginable" necessary? What positive good (not theoretical but actual good) does it do?

To take another run at the parsing, "as possible" means exactly that: all expressive speech should be allowed unless there's a compelling government interest in restricting speech that endangers the people, such as inciting violence, defrauding investors, perjuring yourself (and I don't like to use "speech" in this way, it's a concession to get past ... enthusiastic disagreement over its definition).

As for why, because dangerous speech is better attacked and undermined in public, rather than driven underground, to be whispered in dark corners with the allure of forbidden truth, where it's at its most dangerous. Sunlight is the best of disinfectants.

[ 15. January 2015, 05:07: Message edited by: Byron ]
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
It could well be argued that, by incorporating French Muslims into France's long tradition of anticlericalism, Charlie is including them, treating them just as it'd treat other French citizens.

I think that France's long tradition of anticlericalism is one of the aspects of the social consensus here that is going to have to change, indeed for my money it'd be one of the best possible outcomes of this crisis.

Leaving anticlericalism behind does not of course mean banning poking fun at religions of all stripes, but there's a time to speak and a time to remain silent. In fact timing is probably another consideration in free speech, modifying whether something can be considered inflammatory.

[ 15. January 2015, 05:35: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Byron, saying that lying isn't a crime doesn't say much. Breaching 18C isn't a crime either. But lying can get you sued for defamation, can't it?

It is also clear from your comments that you have completely misread 18D so I suggest you read it again. You seem to think it has the opposite effect to the effect it actually had.

I still maintain, as does mousethief, that your sentences don't logically follow. Why is there no marketplace of ideas unless it includes extreme ideas? That's like telling a shopkeeper he has no shop unless he stocks things no one wants to buy. Have you actually thought about what labelling an idea as extreme MEANS?

[ 15. January 2015, 05:51: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Going back to consistency, how d'you reconcile support for 18C, which polices speech on matters of public concern, with support for a broad right to insult people? Surely, if you don't want people to use insults or cause offense in the former context, the latter, without the public interest component, should be even more tightly policed.

To be clear, this is the paragraph I'm referring to when I say that you seem to have the effect of 18D completely backwards. 18C doesn't set out to target speech on matters of public conern. It makes no reference to public concern. Whereas 18D specifically says that you CAN offend or insult when dealing with matters of public conern.

It's exactly the same way around as what you're arguing would be necessary for 'consistency'. Speech IS more tightly controlled when the public interest component is lacking.

[ 15. January 2015, 05:59: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
There's no right to lie, but neither is lying a crime, and truth is often open to question.

Surely if lying is not a crime, that's the same as to say there's a right to lie.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
In a French court of law there is no prohibition on lying (there is no offence of perjury), so you have the right to lie.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
[Eek!]

Seriously? How do you get anything done?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
It's alright, he's just pulling our leg.


...think about it, think about it.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
[Eek!]

Seriously? How do you get anything done?

While witnesses swear to tell the truth, there is no offence of perjury. You might get done for perverting the course of justice*, but since the standard of proof is "intimate conviction" rather than "proof beyond reasonable doubt", the actual truth is rather secondary.

Judges tend to use defendants' statements to assess whether or not they are truthful and decide whether or not they are guilty on that basis, rather than to get at the truth itself.

*One high-profile case I'm very familiar with collapsed when it transpired the testimony of a key defendant (which implicated many others) was an entire fabrication. The defendant in question did a lot of prison time, but not for lying.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Here in the UK, it's (pretty much) expected that a defendant will lie to keep themselves from being convicted. My discussions with lawyers tell me that it's not worth convicting a guilty party of the crime they're charged with and perjury at the same time.

However, it's the prosecution witnesses that I have most difficulty with on this particular issue - there should be a swift way of dealing with lying police officers and other officials. Perverting and attempting to pervert the course of justice are still crimes, but those offences usually (at least at the start) take place outside the witness box. Lying while on oath is a particular affront.
 
Posted by Barnabas62 (# 9110) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eutychus:

I think that ideally, ideas should be allowed to compete freely and the best idea win. I sort of think this was what God betted on when he introduced free will and the New Covenant, and I'm increasingly coming to the view that Christianity actually needs interaction with opposing ideologies to thrive: hence my support for a pluralistic society.

Fascinating insight.

Was looking at an old West Wing episode (where smart sassy Republican Ainsley Hays joins the uber-Democrat White House crew) and, boy, does that have something to say about interacting with and behaving decently to people with differing world views.

All reminiscent of Romans 12 and Micah:4 2-5. Free speech seems to require a revisiting of the mutual tolerance and, yes, love required of us all if we wish to live in peace. Sitting unafraid under the tree in your back garden and seeking to avoid generating fear in others as well.

[From the Mandela 70th birthday concert at Wembly in 1988. ]
 
Posted by Enoch (# 14322) on :
 
Whatever 'intimate conviction' is trying to translate, it is conspicuously failing. What does the term really mean in its native tongue?
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Enoch:
Whatever 'intimate conviction' is trying to translate, it is conspicuously failing. What does the term really mean in its native tongue?

Intime conviction means "intimate (or innermost) conviction". This is the basis on which French judges and juries are supposed to rule on guilt or innocence, not "beyond reasonable doubt" or "balance of probabilities". I guess it relates to the fact we have an inquisitorial system of justice rather than an adversarial one. But this is all a bit of a tangent.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
but when the lie is a part of an opinion on a matter of public concern

I'm still trying to parse this, and I just can't.

Facts and opinions are different things. It's a cliche, but you're entitled to your own opinions, not your own facts.

A lie is a false statement of fact. The idea of a 'false opinion' just doesn't track, unless you mean that a person is lying about what their opinion is - but that's still lying about a fact.

I just can't see how you can have a "lie that is part of an opinion".

We've had a lot of Sudanese refugees arrive in this country this century. I would be perfectly fine with the proposition that their ability to live in this country and coexist with others would be a matter of public interest.

If I try to convince people that we need to do something to stop Sudanese in Australia from practicing cannibalism, and I have no evidence that Sudanese practice cannibalism, and I know I have no evidence of that, and I haven't looked for any... is that what you mean by a "lie that is part of an opinion"?

If so, I don't have the slightest problem in saying that I'm fine with a law that says you can't publish a newspaper column expressing the opinion that we really need to do something about the problem of Sudanese in Australia practicing cannibalism.

[ 15. January 2015, 08:46: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Enoch (# 14322) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
... For a marketplace of ideas to exist, speech must be as free as possible. People must be confident in voicing the most extreme opinions imaginable. ...

I agree with those that have said the second sentence does not follow from the first. Here are some more reasons:-

1. The analogy doesn't work. Even free markets have trading standards officers who stop people selling contaminated food. Indeed, they go further. There are invariably laws against stealing other people's goods and selling them, passing off other people's property as your own. No such restraint exists with ideas.

2. In a market, you're trying to persuade other people to buy your goods. Applying the analogy to freedom of speech, one would expect people who want to persuade others to adopt their ideas to try to persuade them, not just shoot their mouths off and demand the freedom to do so.

3. Most of the argument about freedom of speech makes a sidewards jump from 'marketplace of ideas' which we all support, to demanding freedoms to do other things, to insult, to defame, to infringe people's privacy, etc. There is no automatic connection between freedom of speech and freedom to abuse, injure, shame or delate. That sidewards jump is intellectual chicanery of the worst order.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
I think Charlie Hebdo sits uncomfortably with 2. and 3. They are invoking free speech to abuse, and I don't think they're putting any constructive ideas on the table.

However, their extreme position embodies the right to free speech, as demonstrated by the unprecedented turnout last Sunday.

Like I say, I marched on Sunday, but I have no intention of buying their "survivor's issue".
 
Posted by Moo (# 107) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eutychus
...I'm increasingly coming to the view that Christianity actually needs interaction with opposing ideologies to thrive...

I have heard that Kierkegaard said, "Christianity needs fresh air; it needs persecution."

Moo
 
Posted by no prophet's flag is set so... (# 15560) on :
 
When communication, verbal, written or electronic, might be predictive of violence or problems with peace and order in a society, they are rightly controlled. Which is what gov'ts are doing about speech targetting identifiable minorities and that which might lead someone to join a terror organization. Free speech cannot be absolute.

I more object to persons with legitimate ideas that should be discussed, but they don't, fearing lawsuit. Which means that people can control opinion with this sort of threat.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
[...] ... you seem to have the effect of 18D completely backwards. 18C doesn't set out to target speech on matters of public concern. It makes no reference to public concern. Whereas 18D specifically says that you CAN offend or insult when dealing with matters of public concern. [...[

Exactly, there's no distinction between speech on private and public concern, 18C sweeps up every public statement. 18D offers an affirmative defense for speech in the public interest, but in its emphasis on reasonableness, fairness, and honesty, it's conditional in the extreme.

As this piece from an Australian lawyer sympathetic to 18C makes clear, the result is uncertainty about what's allowed and what isn't. As he says regarding Charlie Hebdo and satire:-
quote:
At some point the claim to satire comes under strain, because it can be hard to defend an offensive racial stereotype (such as the hook-nosed Jew, also used by Charlie Hebdo at times) where the harm that reinforcing that negative image causes far transcends any possible public benefit from the artistic content.
This can only have a chilling effect on free speech. Moreover, what's it achieving? Maybe it flew in 1975, but with the net, the speech (and far worse besides) is readily available. It's protecting only uninterested people who might stumble over the cartoons, surely the people least likely to be affected.

As for the marketplace of ideas, it's an analogy, not to be taken literally. The idea is that all ideas must compete, and the bad ones wither and die. It's the entire basis for having free speech. Extreme ideas must be protected because, without such protection, the state is handed vast powers to control debate, powers that will be abused by biased, flawed humans to shut down speech they don't like.

No, we don't get to decide on our own facts, but generally, correction should come with more speech, not from the courts. Restrictions on perjury, fraud, false advertizing, etc, don't chill the expression of ideas, because they're tightly-drawn to apply to a specific context not used for debate.

Whatever this position is, it isn't a defense of free speech, or anything close to it.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
For a lengthier defense of making false statements protected speech, see the famous Sullivan decision, which introduced the "actual malice" standard to U.S. libel law; and the far more entertaining Hustler v. Falwell.

The philosophy can be summed with with this snippet from Sullivan: "Whatever is added to the field of libel is taken from the field of free debate."
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
What no one has adequately explained is what the purpose of being able to portray Jews as hook-nosed shysters has within free speech.

How does this aid the market place of ideas? The only reason I can see for writing a law that permits this is to allow the open persecution of a minority.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
You would, presumably, defend antisemitic caricatures in an ironic context, like Joe Sacco's Charlie Hebdo cartoon?

If so, you make judges, folk with vocational training in the law who disagree with one another for a living, the arbiters of comedy, irony, and good taste. Any sensible judge would be horrified at being given this task.

It's not about the value of hate speech so much as the best way to counter it, and the unintended consequences of giving the state the power to decide which kinds of speech are permissible. Once you hand these powers over, you don't get to control how they're used, and you will likely find that the state has very different ideas of acceptability to yours.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
This can only have a chilling effect on free speech.

I never understand this phrasing. All you're saying is that a law works because it discourages people from doing something. You might as well say that murder laws have a chilling effect on killing, or that traffic laws have a chilling effect on the way people drive their cars.

And I've already told you what I think of complaints that the law is uncertain. Any principles based law is uncertain. It's uncertain until the US Supreme Court rules on it whether a particular form of speech, close to the boundary, is protected or not. The idea that this is some terribly unique problem with one particular provision of Australian law is just silly.

[ 15. January 2015, 21:56: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
You would, presumably, defend antisemitic caricatures in an ironic context, like Joe Sacco's Charlie Hebdo cartoon?

I don't think I would, no. The caricature of the hook-nosed Jew is so indelibly tainted by European anti-semitism (and Nazi propaganda in particular) that I think it's pretty much indefensible. I'd have to ask my Jewish friends very carefully as to their reaction before coming to a firm conclusion.

Because: why would I want to give offence to an already beleaguered minority, using images that are similar to those that led to easing the doors of the concentration camps apart?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
What no one has adequately explained is what the purpose of being able to portray Jews as hook-nosed shysters has within free speech.

How does this aid the market place of ideas? The only reason I can see for writing a law that permits this is to allow the open persecution of a minority.

It is worth noting in this context that Jewish groups were at the forefront in telling the government they were deeply worried at the proposal to alter the sections of the Racial Discrimination Act. They immediately foresaw the potential for anti-Semitism to grow.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Exactly, there's no distinction between speech on private and public concern, 18C sweeps up every public statement. 18D offers an affirmative defense for speech in the public interest, but in its emphasis on reasonableness, fairness, and honesty, it's conditional in the extreme.

Sorry, but this is still wrong. If section 18D wanted to be a defence, it would say "it is a defence". You'd said something along these lines several times already and I let it go, but I'm not going to let it go this time.

You might think it's just an exercise in semantics to point out that section 18D actually says that section 18C doesn't apply to various forms of speech, but it has a significant impact on the way that a court would handle a case. It also has a significant impact on whether someone makes a complaint in the first place.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Orfeo, murder is tightly defined: you need a dead body and a specific kind of intent. Sweeping laws against speech are a whole other thing.

Do you agree, with Doc Tor, that antisemitic caricatures should be banned in all circumstances? If so, there's plenty Jewish people who'd disagree, including the Jewish attorneys who've defended the KKK.

As for 18D being an affirmative defense, if the authorities disagree with whether 18C applies, that's exactly how it operates (Holt used it as such in the case I linked).
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Do you agree, with Doc Tor, that antisemitic caricatures should be banned in all circumstances? If so, there's plenty Jewish people who'd disagree, including the Jewish attorneys who've defended the KKK.

I think it's up to the jurisdiction concerned. Certainly in Europe, the caricature is so freighted with meaning, that I can't see a good reason for ever using it. Even 'ironically'.

But seriously - what idea would that suppress?
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
As for hate speech, I'm not singling Australia out, just used 18C as an exemplar of a problem common to the idea.

Hate speech laws either chill speech, like 18C, or Canada's (thankfully repealed) Section 13, or get drawn so tightly they're indistinguishable from regular incitement laws, like England's legislation on religious hatred.

The concept of banning the incitement not of actions, but of negative emotions, is fundamentally flawed. All expressions of opinion seek to incite a person in this way. When the law tries to regulate it, it's not only wrong in principle, it's impractical.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
I think it's up to the jurisdiction concerned. Certainly in Europe, the caricature is so freighted with meaning, that I can't see a good reason for ever using it. Even 'ironically'.

But seriously - what idea would that suppress?

Whatever the artist is trying to do, be it attack neo-Nazism, Middle Eastern antisemitism, or something else. As laws apply to all, this'll snare many Jewish satirists. You think Gentile judges ought to be policing Jewish humor?

European countries have seen the problem here: even Germany, with its stringent laws on Nazi symbols, allows them to be displayed with anti-Nazi intent.

How is this lack of support for the right of artists and satirists to express themselves compatible with your support of a broad right to be personally insulting?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Orfeo, murder is tightly defined: you need a dead body and a specific kind of intent. Sweeping laws against speech are a whole other thing.

And traffic laws? Nice of you to pick off the easy example, not the hard one.

You're using as your example of a 'sweeping' law against speech something that says it is not okay to do a particular kind of thing against a defined group of people for a particular reason, in particular circumstances.

You are kidding yourself if you think that's sweeping. I can't imagine what adjectives you're going to have left by the time we get to countries where only government-owned media is permitted and it is forbidden to establish a political party without permission.

quote:
Do you agree, with Doc Tor, that antisemitic caricatures should be banned in all circumstances? If so, there's plenty Jewish people who'd disagree, including the Jewish attorneys who've defended the KKK.
I've no idea. I would have to go away and think carefully about what makes something antisemitic, what makes it a caricature, and just what circumstances might come up.

All of which I'd do if you were paying me, but you're not and frankly I've got conceptual problems of the same nature to deal with for which people are paying me.

Nor do I think it's worth my while to spend any more time discussing with you in general how laws work and what their function is, or who gets to make them. You appear to have a very idealistic streak in you on that and I don't want to spend days and days battling you on every point about what actually happens in practice.

You say that you're not singling Australia out, but it's pretty clear to me that you chose your battleground upon my arrival and that most of this thread is merely an attempt by you to continue arguing the same things you were arguing on a Hell thread. You can argue them if you like, but I eventually told you I'd had enough of it then (at which point you were remorseful, which rather shows that you do NOT in practice believe in a free-for-all of ideas) and I've had enough of it now.

I am going to go back to my actual job of writing laws, and I will file away your cries of uncertainty with all the other cries of uncertainty I've heard over the past 6 or 7 years. The problem is that most people don't get to the point of asking themselves what 'certainty' would look like. It certainly doesn't look like "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech" unless you completely ignore the amount of time that has been spent over the years defining it and carving out exceptions to it.
 
Posted by Golden Key (# 1468) on :
 
Eutychus--

quote:
Originally posted by Eutychus:
Intime conviction means "intimate (or innermost) conviction". This is the basis on which French judges and juries are supposed to rule on guilt or innocence, not "beyond reasonable doubt" or "balance of probabilities". I guess it relates to the fact we have an inquisitorial system of justice rather than an adversarial one. But this is all a bit of a tangent.

So they basically go by what Americans would call their "gut feeling"? Seems like it could be as problematic as our adversarial system.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
At the end of the day, yes.

I have to look hard to find any advantages at all to an inquisitorial system, but it must be admitted that there are some.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
And traffic laws? Nice of you to pick off the easy example, not the hard one.

I wasn't, especially, there's just as many shades to murder laws (murder one/two, depraved indifference, conspiracy, felony murder, etc).
quote:
You're using as your example of a 'sweeping' law against speech something that says it is not okay to do a particular kind of thing against a defined group of people for a particular reason, in particular circumstances.

You are kidding yourself if you think that's sweeping. I can't imagine what adjectives you're going to have left by the time we get to countries where only government-owned media is permitted and it is forbidden to establish a political party without permission.

Problem is the "particular kind of thing," (well, things) encompasses so much, and is so imprecise: insult, offense, humiliation could be attached to a sweep of expressive conduct, from abusive speech we can both agree has no value, to satire, to op-ed pieces, to movies and theater.
quote:
I've no idea. I would have to go away and think carefully about what makes something antisemitic, what makes it a caricature, and just what circumstances might come up.

All of which I'd do if you were paying me, but you're not and frankly I've got conceptual problems of the same nature to deal with for which people are paying me.

Nor do I think it's worth my while to spend any more time discussing with you in general how laws work and what their function is, or who gets to make them. You appear to have a very idealistic streak in you on that and I don't want to spend days and days battling you on every point about what actually happens in practice.

You say that you're not singling Australia out, but it's pretty clear to me that you chose your battleground upon my arrival and that most of this thread is merely an attempt by you to continue arguing the same things you were arguing on a Hell thread. You can argue them if you like, but I eventually told you I'd had enough of it then (at which point you were remorseful, which rather shows that you do NOT in practice believe in a free-for-all of ideas) and I've had enough of it now.

I am going to go back to my actual job of writing laws, and I will file away your cries of uncertainty with all the other cries of uncertainty I've heard over the past 6 or 7 years. The problem is that most people don't get to the point of asking themselves what 'certainty' would look like. It certainly doesn't look like "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech" unless you completely ignore the amount of time that has been spent over the years defining it and carving out exceptions to it.

I posted it in Hell not to continue the other thread (why I've run with the other use of "speech") but to explore the issues raised in a hellish way. It got moved, I adjusted the tone. I picked 18C both as a courtesy, and 'cause it fit your area of expertise.

I agree the Bill of Rights isn't certain (was never designed to be), it's a list of principles clarified by the courts. We'd surely disagree on how whether exceptions have been drawn, or to what extent. Statutes like, say, larceny/theft, are a lot more precise.

I like to see ideals applied pragmatically. Hugo Black, in Sullivan, puts any idealistic streak of mine to shame: he'd have made press attacks on public figures immune to defamation suits! I would agree with this sentiment, though: "An unconditional right to say what one pleases about public affairs is what I consider to be the minimum guarantee of the First Amendment."
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
How is this lack of support for the right of artists and satirists to express themselves compatible with your support of a broad right to be personally insulting?

It's not actually that difficult to be personally insulting - "Doc Tor is a poopy head" - without demonising the whole race/class/gender/age that someone belongs to - "Everyone north of Watford Gap is a poopy head".

And you strawman my suggestion that it isn't okay for someone to disseminate further the caricature of the hook-nosed Jew as a "lack of support for the right of artists and satirists to express themselves". This is my day job. I'm reasonably safe in saying that I wrestle with what is and isn't acceptable (for me) to say in print every single day.
 
Posted by beatmenace (# 16955) on :
 
quote:
Eutycus said

However, as far as I know no Muslim group has sought legal action against Charlie Hebdo for, say, incitement to religious hatred. My guess (but it is a guess) is that they don't want to do this for fear of being perceived as playing the victim card - or possibly since they are simply less well-connected in the courts.

There was an attempt in 2007 to take legal action against Charlie Hebdo on exactly these grounds.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlie_Hebdo

Interestingly, Charlie Hebdo sacked a cartoonist in 2008 for refusing to apologise for an (alledgedly) anti-Semitic comment made in the magazine.

So on that occasion at least the magazine did attempt to self-Censor itself.

I think that undermines the current line that all 'Free Speech' (in the magazine) is justifiable and needs no defence.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
The alleged nuance, as heard on the radio here this morning or yesterday, is that anti-semitism is against an entire race, whereas portraying Mohammed is only insulting a religion and thus, um, kosher.

This reeks of double standards to me, but as I've posted before I think it has a lot to do with French guilt about the nation's treatment of Jews during the war.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
What no one has adequately explained is what the purpose of being able to portray Jews as hook-nosed shysters has within free speech.

How does this aid the market place of ideas? The only reason I can see for writing a law that permits this is to allow the open persecution of a minority.

This seems to be the exact opposite way most rights are examined or interpreted. The usual perspective is to explain why certain restrictions by the state are necessary, not to demand anyone wanting to express a controversial opinion justify in advance why their opinion is harmless.

To take your stated and very specific example, it would seem to very much damage "the marketplace of ideas" to either ban something like this brief academic survey of Nazi visual propaganda or to demand that it be stripped of pictures of the things being discussed.
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
Doc Tor wrote:

quote:
What no one has adequately explained is what the purpose of being able to portray Jews as hook-nosed shysters has within free speech.

How does this aid the market place of ideas? The only reason I can see for writing a law that permits this is to allow the open persecution of a minority.

To me, it's not so much that we gain anything in the immediacy by allowing anti-semitic propaganda(and I'm willing to concede that we may lose some things). It's that, in order to suppress that propaganda, we would need to give the state more powers than I am comfortable with the state having.

As a comparison, someone could argue in favour of passing a law outlawing AIDS Denialism...

"Who cares if that quackery gets supressed? We all know it's garbage, and thoudands of people in South Africa might be alive today if Mbeki hadn't gotten duped into following that crapola."

All true. But in order to enact that suppression, you need to establish a body of "experts" who get to decide what can and cannot be said about AIDS. Even if that group consists of the greatest scientific minds in the world, are you still gonna trust them to police bookstores and the internet in search of deviant ideas to be shut down?

I don't think I would, even if it would have prevented Mbeki from hearing about their ideas. Because sooner or later, the scientific consensus is gonna mess up on something(eg. anti-vax propaganda made it into the Lancet), and in that case, maintaining a space for heterodox opinion becomes utterly vital.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Stetson:
As a comparison, someone could argue in favour of passing a law outlawing AIDS Denialism...

Someone could, but it would be an astonishingly poor comparison. The problem in South Africa is not whether or not AIDS Denialism is banned, but whether or not the government promotes it.

So no, let's not argue that.

quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
To take your stated and very specific example, it would seem to very much damage "the marketplace of ideas" to either ban something like this brief academic survey of Nazi visual propaganda or to demand that it be stripped of pictures of the things being discussed.

Yes, it would. Which is why such a resource is invaluable, and common sense would be used to provide an exclusion - in exactly the same way exclusions exist in Germany for the use of the Nazi salute and the Swastika.

The point is - as I'm guessing you already know - the creation of new art caricaturing Jews. What is the idea that such art would be promulgating? Your answer is in the subtitle of the introduction of the article you linked: Anti-semitism leading to the Holocaust.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
To take your stated and very specific example, it would seem to very much damage "the marketplace of ideas" to either ban something like this brief academic survey of Nazi visual propaganda or to demand that it be stripped of pictures of the things being discussed.

Yes, it would. Which is why such a resource is invaluable, and common sense would be used to provide an exclusion - in exactly the same way exclusions exist in Germany for the use of the Nazi salute and the Swastika.
Relying on special post hoc exclusions seems more like enforcing a government-mandated orthodoxy rather than applying a principle. "Common sense" is also notoriously fickle. The original artists of those drawings you would outlaw (except in academic settings, apparently) were also relying on their "common sense" that Jews were terrible people. A lot of what gets passed off as "common sense" is little more than prejudice.

quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
The point is - as I'm guessing you already know - the creation of new art caricaturing Jews. What is the idea that such art would be promulgating?

The obvious answer is "the Jews are all terrible people", which is an odious idea. But even more odious is the idea of the state using its power to enforce limits on ideas or expression. It's fairly easy to anticipate a state using what you contend is it's legitimate power to stifle criticism of certain groups to protect its own favored cronies or even its own actions from negative comment. It certainly would seem like "common sense" to state officials that their own actions are good and justified and critics are just whiny crybabies.
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
Doc Tor wrote:

quote:
Someone could, but it would be an astonishingly poor comparison. The problem in South Africa is not whether or not AIDS Denialism is banned, but whether or not the government promotes it.

So no, let's not argue that.


Well, I have heard it argued that racist speech meeds to be banned, because of the chance that it may influence people to become racist, eventually leading to widespread racism and a racist takeover of the government(Nazi Germany being the template for this scenario). So, to a lot of the people who make the argument, yes, government promotion is very much the outcome that they fear.

But, okay, let's factor out government promotion, and factor in simple individual choice. Even wiithout a misguided government in power, people might still absorb the ideas of medical quackery, and make bad choices based on that.

An HIV Positive INDIVIDUAL under the influence of AIDS Denialism is liable to let his condition go untreated(because he thinks the medicine itself causes AIDS), and engage in unprotected sex(because he thinks the virus will not spread to others via sexual contact). Outlaw AIDS Denialism, and he'll never hear about it, and might very well refrain from the unsafe habits that endanger him and others.

So, going by the logic that banning anti-semitism might stop people from attacking Jews, is there any reason you can think of not to ban AIDS Denialism?
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Honestly? I'd much rather argue about something that is actually happening than some tortuous analogy that always eventually breaks down.

Let's talk about anti-semitism instead. What benefit is it to my society to permit the creation of racist depictions of Jews?

(eta "banning anti-semitism"? As if we could...)

[ 16. January 2015, 20:13: Message edited by: Doc Tor ]
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Honestly? I'd much rather argue about something that is actually happening than some tortuous analogy that always eventually breaks down.

Let's talk about anti-semitism instead. What benefit is it to my society to permit the creation of racist depictions of Jews?

(eta "banning anti-semitism"? As if we could...)

Because strong programs of government censorship, such as you're advocating, tend not to limit themselves to one tightly defined case, and it's fairly easy to see why. Once you've carved out one group, criticism of which can result in fines or imprisonment*, other groups will want similar immunity from public criticism.

And didn't you yourself describe a document containing racist depictions of Jews as "invaluable"? That would seem to answer your own question.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
Relying on special post hoc exclusions seems more like enforcing a government-mandated orthodoxy rather than applying a principle.

Fair enough. I believe there are some circumstances where that is necessary. The democratically elected German government agrees.

quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
The point is - as I'm guessing you already know - the creation of new art caricaturing Jews. What is the idea that such art would be promulgating?

The obvious answer is "the Jews are all terrible people", which is an odious idea. But even more odious is the idea of the state using its power to enforce limits on ideas or expression.
Bearing in mind that the example we're talking about led (more or less directly) to the death of six million Jews, I think you'll struggle with persuading anyone that a ban on drawing hook-nosed Jews for the purposes of spreading antisemitism is more odious...
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
Because strong programs of government censorship, such as you're advocating, tend not to limit themselves to one tightly defined case, and it's fairly easy to see why. Once you've carved out one group, criticism of which can result in fines or imprisonment*, other groups will want similar immunity from public criticism.

And didn't you yourself describe a document containing racist depictions of Jews as "invaluable"? That would seem to answer your own question.

Okay. I could fisk your post, but I have better things to do.

Not allowing the creation of cartoon caricatures of Jews is not 'immunity from public criticism'.

Historical documents are, as I've already stated, a separate, special case.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Croesos, I'd talk to you at length about the problems of Sudanese cannibalism in this country, but sadly the law prevents me from making that 'criticism'.

That is, so long as the word 'criticism' extends to spreading complete falsehoods about a race of people that are calculated to bring them into disrepute.

If I just talked about your personal cannibalism and how we need to deal with it, you'd probably use defamation law to deal with it.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
The point is - as I'm guessing you already know - the creation of new art caricaturing Jews. What is the idea that such art would be promulgating?

The obvious answer is "the Jews are all terrible people", which is an odious idea. But even more odious is the idea of the state using its power to enforce limits on ideas or expression.
Bearing in mind that the example we're talking about led (more or less directly) to the death of six million Jews, I think you'll struggle with persuading anyone that a ban on drawing hook-nosed Jews for the purposes of spreading antisemitism is more odious...

Have to disagree with you there. I'm pretty sure that it wasn't solely a bunch of racist drawings that led to the Holocaust. There was a huge body of written work and several centuries of religious bigotry involved as well. I'm pretty sure that even if they'd been limited to non-visual portrayals of Jews the Nazis would still have perpetrated the Holocaust.

quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Historical documents are, as I've already stated, a separate, special case.

How so? And does this mean that a neo-Nazi organization can get around the censors by simply illustrating their pamphlets with pictures cribbed from Uncle Adolf's vaults? If you set up a standard that says "anti-semitic images are illegal, except for historical ones", I'm pretty sure the end-run around that standard will be screamingly obvious to even the thickest skinhead.
 
Posted by Honest Ron Bacardi (# 38) on :
 
Croesos wrote:
quote:
Because strong programs of government censorship, such as you're advocating, tend not to limit themselves to one tightly defined case, and it's fairly easy to see why. Once you've carved out one group, criticism of which can result in fines or imprisonment*, other groups will want similar immunity from public criticism.
No doubt they will. But in order to evade the slippery slope fallacy, you'll need to show us why it is necessary that legislatures should respond to all such appeals.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
How so? And does this mean that a neo-Nazi organization can get around the censors by simply illustrating their pamphlets with pictures cribbed from Uncle Adolf's vaults? If you set up a standard that says "anti-semitic images are illegal, except for historical ones", I'm pretty sure the end-run around that standard will be screamingly obvious to even the thickest skinhead.

Well, why don't we see how the German courts decide what a 'satirical' use of the Nazi salute is? We could use the same principles to decide what might be a non-inflammatory use of such historical images.

I guess smart people who draft laws often think of these things.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
I'm pretty sure that it wasn't solely a bunch of racist drawings that led to the Holocaust.

The opinion of the source you quoted earlier is
quote:
The campaign's only rationale was to blunt the sensibilities of the people regarding the campaign of persecution and murder which was being carried out ... they were not designed to unite the German people in the war effort (but to) subdue any doubt (regarding the) racial persecution to which the Jews were to be subjected.
Just to make it clear: you are defending the creation of anti-semitic caricatures of Jews that are solely drawn to promote the hatred of all Jews, because you think banning them is a violation of your right to free speech.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Just to make it clear: you are defending the creation of anti-semitic caricatures of Jews that are solely drawn to promote the hatred of all Jews, because you think banning them is a violation of your right to free speech.

This is what always perplexes me. It seems as if the right to free speech is treated in a complete vacuum, as if one was standing in a forest speaking to the trees with no-one else around.

It reminds me of the fact that if you are on a private property like a farm, you can drive however you like and as fast as you like. There are no road rules.

But on public roads, when mixing with the rest of society, there are rules. The ways in which you can use your vehicle are curbed because of the possibility of causing damage.

It honestly surprises me just how casual people are about the damage of speech. I keep hearing about how Andrew Bolt was dragged to court and how dreadful that was. No-one ever seems to say how dreadful it was for the people named in his column to open up the newspaper that morning and find lies printed about themselves. Lies that they knew were being read across the country by thousands and thousands of people. Lies they still know will continue to be believed by lots of people, despite the court case.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Honest Ron Bacardi:
Croesos wrote:
quote:
Because strong programs of government censorship, such as you're advocating, tend not to limit themselves to one tightly defined case, and it's fairly easy to see why. Once you've carved out one group, criticism of which can result in fines or imprisonment, other groups will want similar immunity from public criticism.
No doubt they will. But in order to evade the slippery slope fallacy, you'll need to show us why it is necessary that legislatures should respond to all such appeals.
I didn't say they'd respond to "all such appeals". Legislatures will tend to favor and protect the groups they like, and not do so for those they don't. That's so commonplace an observation I didn't think it needed a special explanation. If you want to go the the long way around; governments that have the power to punish the disparagement of groups or organizations will tend to do so primarily in defense of groups or organizations they like and not do so for those groups or organizations they don't like. I didn't think the idea "governments will often try to expand their own power and do so to benefit factions they like" was one that needed particular explanation.

quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Well, why don't we see how the German courts decide what a 'satirical' use of the Nazi salute is? We could use the same principles to decide what might be a non-inflammatory use of such historical images.

If your standard of determining what is anti-semitic depends on the determinations of the German government, doesn't that become a bit problematic when dealing with official German government publications, as we're discussing?
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Just to make it clear: you are defending the creation of anti-semitic caricatures of Jews that are solely drawn to promote the hatred of all Jews, because you think banning them is a violation of your right to free speech.

Yes, especially since you've given no plausible explanation other than personal preference why such restrictions would only be used on expressions you don't like. If you're willing to argue that if people are allowed to call Bernie Madoff a "money-grubbing shyster" without fear of prosecution then Treblinka will go in to operation again, there's no limit to what can be forbidden.


So yes, I sincerely object to what seems to be an arbitrary and open-ended government censorship authority.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Just to make it clear: you are defending the creation of anti-semitic caricatures of Jews that are solely drawn to promote the hatred of all Jews, because you think banning them is a violation of your right to free speech.

I think it's more that he's opposing attempts to prevent their creation by the use of state force. There is a difference, unless you're a strict consequentialist.

If Dirty Harry is planning to kill a criminal because he can't get the charges to stick, and Dickson of Dock Green arrests Dirty Harry, Dickson is not thereby assisting the criminal in getting away with it.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Doc Tor, saying that it curtails free speech to ban antisemetic caricatures is only a straw man if you don't consider publishing them expressive conduct. We plainly disagree on this point.

As for the cost of hate speech, of course it carries a cost. Most every right does. Privacy makes it harder to catch criminals; jury trial makes it likelier they'll be acquitted.

Although on practical grounds, how is banning it an improvement? A bigot can play the free speech martyr; the speech is reported during the trial, popularizing it further; and it gets the allure of forbidden truth. Better it's countered with more speech.

If it has to be banned, something like group defamation, where a statement's proven to be false and malicious, would be preferable to vague bans on humiliation, insult and offense.

[ 17. January 2015, 05:28: Message edited by: Byron ]
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Honestly? I'd much rather argue about something that is actually happening than some tortuous analogy that always eventually breaks down.

Let's talk about anti-semitism instead. What benefit is it to my society to permit the creation of racist depictions of Jews?

(eta "banning anti-semitism"? As if we could...)

No, sorry. The argument ad absurdum is a legitimate debating technicque. If you say that a particular example of "A" should be treated in a certain way BECAUSE it is an "A", then it is valid to ask that you hold all "A"s to the same standard. And, if you can't bring yourself to say that they should all be treated the same, you need to go back and reconsider your original principles.

Both anti-semitism and AIDS Denialism cause harm(sometimes fatally) to innocent people. You want to ban the former, but are avoding even the discussion of banning the latter. So, it seems like a pretty glaring inconsistency.

I suppose it's possible to argue that the harm caused by AIDS Denialism is somehow less serious than the harm caused by anti-semitism, and thus they are not both examples of the same thing. Not sure how you would go about that.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
Yes, especially since you've given no plausible explanation other than personal preference why such restrictions would only be used on expressions you don't like. If you're willing to argue that if people are allowed to call Bernie Madoff a "money-grubbing shyster" without fear of prosecution then Treblinka will go in to operation again, there's no limit to what can be forbidden.


So yes, I sincerely object to what seems to be an arbitrary and open-ended government censorship authority.

You have a problem here. You've said what might happen if X. X has already happened. What you say might have happened, hasn't happened. So you can posit all you like - if it hasn't actually happened, your argument is, while not invalid, little more than scaremongering.

Being scared of state censorship is right and proper. But since we both live in democracies, rather than some despotic state run by extraterrestrial lizards, and the government is technically and actually us, we can and do influence our lawmakers as to the line where free speech is drawn. Thus limits to free speech are neither arbitrary, nor open-ended. They are set by us.

Oh, and Stetson? Still not going there.

[ 17. January 2015, 10:41: Message edited by: Doc Tor ]
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
Doc Tor wrote:

quote:
Oh, and Stetson? Still not going there.


As you wish. My point remains that I oppose censorship of anti-semitism not because I think anti-semitism has any merit, but because I don't trust the state to wield the kind of power that would be neccessary to carry out the suppression.

That being in reply to your demand that opponents of censorship explain the positive merits of allowing anti-semitism...

quote:
What no one has adequately explained is what the purpose of being able to portray Jews as hook-nosed shysters has within free speech.

How does this aid the market place of ideas? The only reason I can see for writing a law that permits this is to allow the open persecution of a minority.



[ 17. January 2015, 15:35: Message edited by: Stetson ]
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Stetson:
My point remains that I oppose censorship of anti-semitism not because I think anti-semitism has any merit, but because I don't trust the state to wield the kind of power that would be neccessary to carry out the suppression.

Firstly, your state unambiguously 'wields that kind of power' for a bazillion different crimes - including crossing the road in the wrong place.

Secondly, you've not convinced me that 'I don't trust the state' is a cogent argument for free speech - all it is is an argument why the state shouldn't regulate free speech, rather than free speech being a notion that ought not be regulated in any form. The state power argument may be sufficient for you, but it's not an answer in and of itself.

And since all the opinions I can find from people whose job it is to teach law in the US say "the right to free speech is not absolute", we're still just arguing about is where the line is drawn.

So here in the UK, it's not that we trust the state and judiciary to 'wield that kind of power', it is that we as citizens have petitioned government to put exactly those laws in place, because we find hate speech (as defined in law) intolerable and not conducive to the public good. In the US, you approach matters somewhat (but certainly not wholly) differently.

As a consequence, I don't perceive any particular deficit in free speech in the UK. Perhaps that's because I'm still free to criticise the government or any other institution in almost every which way I choose, and I'm not some far-right demagogue who hates Jews and blacks, but hey...
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
Doc Tor wrote:

quote:
Firstly, your state unambiguously 'wields that kind of power' for a bazillion different crimes - including crossing the road in the wrong place.


So, when I brought up AIDS Denialism as a comparative example of unregulated speech, you said that wasn't the issue and you were "not going there".

But, apparently, you DO want to go into the issue of jaywalking, which isn't even a form of speech, and hence a conisderably more far-fetched comparison than quack medical writing.

But okay. With trademark Canadian politeness, I will extend you the courtesy you would not deign to extend me.

Yes, I grant the state the right to pass a law saying "Don't cross when the orange hand is displayed. But I do this knowing that the understanding of what constitutes the orange-hand is nearly universal, and not subject to the arbitrary interpretations of legal authorities.

In order to make the jaywalking laws comparable to the hate-speech laws, imagine they read something like "Don't cross the street in an unsafe manner.", with what constitutes "unsafe" being left to the discretion of police and judges. I don't think it's too dytopian to speculate that this would quickly lead to some pretty arbitrary restrictions of peoples' freedom of movement.

And, yes, I do favour restrictions on speech that would more closely attain the clarity standard set by the orange-hand jaywalking laws. Basically, direct incitement to criminal or highly dangerous behaviour, where no intervening variables are required for the bad results to ensue. Example...

You come across a crazed fundamentalist street-preacher with a knife to the throat of a Catholic nun. You immediately shout "Alright, stick that knife in that pagan priestess, Reverend!!" Yes, you should he held partly liable for any killing that ensues.

You write an article in your church bulletin about how Catholics are all pawns of Satan. Some deranged drifter reads it and then goes out and kills a nun. No, you should not be held criminally liable.

And by the way, Canada does have laws restricting hate-speech. I can think of at least one case where I think they were used to drag through the courts a rather odious but ultimately pretty harmless(and otherwise obscure) character, who made racist statements to a newspaper reporter who continued to ask the man questions after it was clear that he was just going to give racist answers.

David Ahenakew
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
... and, unsurprisingly, the merest mention of jaywalking (which, yes, I find perverse and infantilising) means I am comparing jaywalking to free speech

Which, obviously, I'm not. So well done there.

Otherwise, you seem to want to place limits on free speech. You'd draw the line in different places to me, which is fine - you do so to suit your local conditions, we'll do so to suit ours. We both agree that some restrictions need to be placed on free speech.

What you do not do is defend the ideal of free speech, and I'm now struggling to work out why you think I want a job with MiniTrue when our positions are really very similar.
 
Posted by Stetson (# 9597) on :
 
Doc Tor wrote:

quote:
... and, unsurprisingly, the merest mention of jaywalking (which, yes, I find perverse and infantilising) means I am comparing jaywalking to free speech


Well, as far as I can tell, you WERE saying that crossing the street and expressing opinions were similar, in terms of being things the state is granted power to regulate. So, yes, pointing out similarities is a comparison.

quote:
Otherwise, you seem to want to place limits on free speech. You'd draw the line in different places to me, which is fine - you do so to suit your local conditions, we'll do so to suit ours. We both agree that some restrictions need to be placed on free speech.

What you do not do is defend the ideal of free speech, and I'm now struggling to work out why you think I want a job with MiniTrue when our positions are really very similar.


I think the difference between our positions is one of kind, not degree. There is a qualitative difference between saying "Don't tell people to physically attack Jews", and saying "Don't say hateful things about Jews."

And I think it was miniluv which would have been more concerned with regulating speech, whereas minitrue was more about producing propaganda. Though I guess minitrue did spend a lot of time censoring itself, given that they seemed to produce the bulk of available literature.
 
Posted by Enoch (# 14322) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Just to make it clear: you are defending the creation of anti-semitic caricatures of Jews that are solely drawn to promote the hatred of all Jews, because you think banning them is a violation of your right to free speech.

This is what always perplexes me. It seems as if the right to free speech is treated in a complete vacuum, as if one was standing in a forest speaking to the trees with no-one else around.

It reminds me of the fact that if you are on a private property like a farm, you can drive however you like and as fast as you like. There are no road rules.

But on public roads, when mixing with the rest of society, there are rules. The ways in which you can use your vehicle are curbed because of the possibility of causing damage.

It honestly surprises me just how casual people are about the damage of speech. I keep hearing about how Andrew Bolt was dragged to court and how dreadful that was. No-one ever seems to say how dreadful it was for the people named in his column to open up the newspaper that morning and find lies printed about themselves. Lies that they knew were being read across the country by thousands and thousands of people. Lies they still know will continue to be believed by lots of people, despite the court case.

Good comment.

Confession
That's the last comment on this thread that's made any sense to me and that's despite not having a clue who Andrew Bolt is or what he did.

Furthermore, what's jaywalking got to do with freedom of speech? I thought jaywalking was a word used to describe people who wander off the pavement into the traffic.
 
Posted by Gee D (# 13815) on :
 
Enoch, to give you an idea, Andrew Bolt is like Disgusted of Cheltenham but without the brains.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Stetson:
[...] There is a qualitative difference between saying "Don't tell people to physically attack Jews", and saying "Don't say hateful things about Jews." [...]

Exactly, which is why I emphasize the difference between speech used to express a racist opinion, and speech linked with a criminal act like inciting murder: the former is vile, but it's solely advocating an idea; the latter is an attempt to commit a crime by proxy.

We can call both "speech," but as one is linked to an overt criminal act, they're different kinds of speech, and therefore, banning incitement can't be used as a precedent for banning hate speech.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Some of the laws people think are 'certain', I could drive a truck through.

And I find it thoroughly disingenuous to say that hate speech is not an encouragement of violence just because it doesn't say "attack someone now". Basically, the proposal is that a person can say Sudanese are cannibals, Sudanese are fraudsters, Sudanese are pedophiles, and when a Sudanese person gets attacked they can turn around and say "goodness me, how terrible, nothing to do with me though".

It's a triumph of form over substance.

[ 17. January 2015, 23:27: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Hate speech might, indirectly, "encourage" violence, but it doesn't come close to criminal incitement. By the same token, Marxism encourages theft, and Bastille Day encourages revolution.

Where's the proximate cause? How many steps lie between hate speech and violence?

A lot.

A bigot says something hateful about X group; a person hears it; the hate speech triggers hateful emotions about X group; due to these emotions, the person, of their own volition, decides to commit an act of violence; act of violence is either committed or, we hope, the newly-minted thug is stopped in their tracks.

The link between the hate speech and act of violence is stretched past breaking, cause and effect lost in the gaps. How d'you pin down which instance of of hate speech triggered the violence? Would it have occurred regardless? Was violence foreseeable by the hatemonger? This is a legal quagmire.

What counts as "hate speech," anyhow? Marxism encourages us to hate the bourgeoisie, and overthrow the capitalist state. Should we hook up reds? If not, why not?

If we must suppress ideas that might lead to violence, we can't have anything approaching free speech. It treats us not as adults, free citizens who can reject and counter hateful speech, but children who must be shielded from its malignancy. While, curiously, treating the state our parent, despite it being composed of the exact same flawed creatures.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Iago would have loved you.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Presumably he's down with Glenn Greenwald, too. [Cool]
 


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