Thread: Hate Crime Board: Oblivion / Ship of Fools.


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Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
Someone on the Islam And Violence thread has already referred to the recent shooting of three Muslims by a militant atheist.

It is already being referred to as a “hate crime”, a term which I find problematical.

If someone deliberately murders someone else, what difference should it make whether, as in this case:-

a. he murdered them because he hates religious
people in general

b. he murdered them because he hates Muslims in
particular

c. he murdered them out of hatred engendered by a
parking dispute (which apparently was the
catalyst)

d. all of the above

e. he murdered them for some motive that did not
involve hatred at all, eg some sort of
pathological but objective curiosity about the
close-up effects of gunshots on a human
body, or a desire for notoriety

As I am a Christian, possibly he would hate me also if he knew me, but that is not illegal.

If he did try to murder me, I can’t see why that hatred means he should be described or treated any differently than if he tried to murder me because he believed I was having an affair with his wife, or simply because my appearance and manner got up his nose.

It is not a matter of distinguishing who I am from what I do, because my Christianity, while it subjectively defines me, remains ultimately something that I choose to “do’, ie believe and practise, and which I could choose not to.

And even if someone murders someone for something they can’t help, eg being Jewish or black, why is that worse than killing them for any other reason (except justifiable self-defence)?

The murder is still immoral and illegal, and they are just as dead.
 
Posted by Golden Key (# 1468) on :
 
Maybe it's more about keeping society safe? it's a horror when anyone is murdered. But when someone is killed only because they are of a particular group, that can spark further murders and crimes. So it needs to be headed off at the pass.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
I would guess hate laws are a very effective deterrent in stopping crazy, hate filled people from committing crimes.
 
Posted by W Hyatt (# 14250) on :
 
When people are murdered because they live in a city where the population as a whole hates them for being part of some category, and where the authorities share the same attitude so that the murders go unpunished and therefore unchecked, a federal hate crime law allows the country as a whole to say that it's unacceptable. It's an important tool in rooting out institutionalized hate - think lynch mobs with no repercussions for the perpetrators.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
If someone deliberately murders someone else, what difference should it make whether, as in this case:-

If you murder someone for looking at a white woman or walking down the wrong street or arguing over parking, you're not only killing one person; you're also sending a message to everyone else of the same ethnic group warning them not to look at white women or walk down the wrong street or argue over parking.

Murdering somebody over some personal matter is personal. Murdering somebody as a hate crime is intended to intimidate every member of the group you hate.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
And as Golden Key says the latter is likely more dangerous to society, and so it makes sense for society to want to have a particularly well-honed response.
 
Posted by Sioni Sais (# 5713) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
And as Golden Key says the latter is likely more dangerous to society, and so it makes sense for society to want to have a particularly well-honed response.

It may be good to have "Hate crime" legislation, but I'm not sure how enforceable it is. In addition to proving some crime to the satisfaction of a jury, a case must be made that it was caused by or is to encourage hate of some kind.

Evidence of murder, assault and the like is easy to come by compared to evidence of hate, about which a jury is far less likely to agree.
 
Posted by Enoch (# 14322) on :
 
Sadly, if you're going to be murdered, you're more likely to be murdered by a close relative. There is a sort of sense in which murdering someone to whom one is not related, whether for criminal or ideological reasons, makes the crime worse.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
That ain't necessarily so.

In France at least, being a relative can expose you to a higher sentence, the argument being, I think, that your proximity to the victim places greater responsibilities towards them on you, and the crime represents a greater breach of trust.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Sioni Sais:
It may be good to have "Hate crime" legislation, but I'm not sure how enforceable it is. In addition to proving some crime to the satisfaction of a jury, a case must be made that it was caused by or is to encourage hate of some kind.

Evidence of murder, assault and the like is easy to come by compared to evidence of hate, about which a jury is far less likely to agree.

I'm not sure that's the case. You seem to be arguing that it's "easy" for a jury to distinguish murder from manslaughter or negligent homicide, distinctions which largely rest on the accused's state of mind, but find it much harder to determine a state of mind like "hatred". This does not seem immediately obvious.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
The CPS seems to be making a go of it. I'm sure they wouldn't describe it as "easy" but then it isn't supposed to be.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Hate crimes are punished more severely 'cause the doer means to intimidate a group, and because, in targeting someone at random based on their membership of said group, it's particularly callous.

If murder can be aggravated by factors like premeditation and savagery, don't see a problem with this. Heck, the underlying logic's been a feature of the law for centuries: cop killing's automatically murder one.
 
Posted by HCH (# 14313) on :
 
The notion that declaring some category of crimes as hate crimes and giving such offenders harsher sentences seems to derive from either the concept of deterrence or the concept of vengeance. I don't think either of those works well. Deterrence doesn't work because no one ever expects to be caught, and vengeance is a poor basis for justice.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Does that go for all aggravating factors? If not, why not?
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
Retribution? Deterrence obviously does work though, otherwise petty theft would be rife. As the UK riots show as soon as people think they can get away with looting lots succumb to temptation.

Also I think the categorization helps the police and prosecution services target resources.
 
Posted by Honest Ron Bacardi (# 38) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
The CPS seems to be making a go of it. I'm sure they wouldn't describe it as "easy" but then it isn't supposed to be.

From the figures cited in that link, a success rate of 83% in prosecutions taken forward sounds pretty good. I suppose the question that comes next is to ask what proportion of crimes get taken to the prosecution stage?

A subsidiary issue is to ask whether all crimes against the elderly and the disabled are strictly hate crimes? Despicable certainly, but hateful or opportunistic?
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by HCH:
The notion that declaring some category of crimes as hate crimes and giving such offenders harsher sentences seems to derive from either the concept of deterrence or the concept of vengeance. I don't think either of those works well. Deterrence doesn't work because no one ever expects to be caught, and vengeance is a poor basis for justice.

Given the state of criminal injustice system, the idea that any large number of generally reasonable people support thoughtcrimes terrifies me.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Hate crimes aren't "thought crimes," they're aggravating factors to an overt criminal act. Most crimes have a mental element (mens rea, guilty mind), and criminals have long been punished more harshly for things like premeditation, or less harshly if they're provoked. This is no different.
 
Posted by Fr Weber (# 13472) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I would guess hate laws are a very effective deterrent in stopping crazy, hate filled people from committing crimes.

Assuming that by "crazy" you mean "mentally ill," I'm not sure that's true.

WRT hate crimes themselves, it does bother me that the result is the criminalization of certain thoughts or beliefs. We don't seek to jail or otherwise punish people who publish racist or sexist books, or who say racist or sexist things. How exactly does a (putative) racist or sexist motive make an act of murder more heinous? Does the fact that a murderer was known to have racist beliefs automatically prove that his murder of a black man was a hate crime, or are further tests required to conclusively demonstrate that motive?

For me the questions keep multiplying. I agree that crimes committed out of racial (etc.) hatred are appalling. I'm just not sure I can say that murdering someone because she was a woman is necessarily worse than murdering her because she played her stereo too loud late at night.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Fr Weber, no one's being punished for racist thoughts: they're being punished for committing a violent act out of a racist motive, just as they're punished more harshly if they murder someone 'cause they want to rob them than they would be if they murder someone in the heat of the moment.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Hate crimes aren't "thought crimes," they're aggravating factors to an overt criminal act. Most crimes have a mental element (mens rea, guilty mind), and criminals have long been punished more harshly for things like premeditation, or less harshly if they're provoked. This is no different.

And yet:
quote:
"Hate crime" generally refers to criminal acts that are seen to have been motivated by bias against one or more of the types above, or of their derivatives. Incidents may involve physical assault, damage to property, bullying, harassment, verbal abuse or insults, or offensive graffiti or letters (hate mail).
Given that I've been told in all seriousness that "that dress is gorgeous and looks really nice on you" is an insult and I've heard kids complain about bullying when another kid refuses to play the game they want to play, I find this trend towards restricting speech on the basis of whether or not someone felt offended by something worrying.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
If the person in this instance was a Sunni Muslim and the victims were Shiite Muslims, would that be hate crime if the killings happened because the killer did so out of sectarian hatred? Or is that getting too fine grained for the state to discern what is "hate" and what is just plain old sociopathic behavior?

I am quite curious where the evidence is that hate crime acts as an effective deterrent to violent crime.

quote:
When people are murdered because they live in a city where the population as a whole hates them for being part of some category, and where the authorities share the same attitude so that the murders go unpunished and therefore unchecked, a federal hate crime law allows the country as a whole to say that it's unacceptable. It's an important tool in rooting out institutionalized hate - think lynch mobs with no repercussions for the perpetrators.
Without hate crime laws the authorities would be powerless to stop this scenario? When have hate crime laws actually been used in the circumstances you're describing? It was not in the era of lynchings in this country.

[ 12. February 2015, 22:39: Message edited by: Alt Wally ]
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Saysay, hate speech, and hate crimes, are different things: hate speech is speech that causes people to hate X group; a hate crime is an act motivated by hatred of X group.

I'm not in favor of banning or restricting hate speech. I don't think speech should be restricted on the grounds that it may cause offense.

Hate crimes are a separate issue, an aggravating factor for acts that are already crimes. It's mainly about sentencing.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
I'm not in favor of banning or restricting hate speech. I don't think speech should be restricted on the grounds that it may cause offense.

I'll just note that restricting speech on the grounds that it may cause people to hate group X may or may not be justifiable, but it is quite a different thing from restricting speech on the grounds that it may cause members of group X offense.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
Xpost: This was to Byron.

Are you in law school or something? You seem to have a very detailed knowledge of the law in theory and no understanding of how it plays out in practice.

[ 12. February 2015, 22:43: Message edited by: saysay ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Fr Weber:
I'm just not sure I can say that murdering someone because she was a woman is necessarily worse than murdering her because she played her stereo too loud late at night.

As has been said, murdering someone because she's a woman is part of a systematic pattern of behaviour by misogynists that makes all women nervous about walking down certain streets late at night, and so on. In some sense therefore, the woman who is actually killed is not the only victim; all women who modify their behaviour out of fear of being next are in some sense victims.

There isn't a systematic pattern of behaviour that makes people who play stereos too loud late at night afraid to engage in certain activities. And in so far as there is, society thinks that people can opt out of the group of people who play stereos too loud late at night and therefore the risk of murderous neighbours is borne voluntarily.
 
Posted by Teufelchen (# 10158) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
Xpost: This was to Byron.

Are you in law school or something? You seem to have a very detailed knowledge of the law in theory and no understanding of how it plays out in practice.

Do you think aggravating and mitigating factors, including but not limited to 'hate crime' issues, are not applied in practice?

t
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Teufelchen:
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
Xpost: This was to Byron.

Are you in law school or something? You seem to have a very detailed knowledge of the law in theory and no understanding of how it plays out in practice.

Do you think aggravating and mitigating factors, including but not limited to 'hate crime' issues, are not applied in practice?

t

No, I don't. I can't speak to your country, but in the US more than 93% of charges result in plea bargains. Frequently brought on as a result of prosecutors overcharging. Hate crime legislation (no matter how well intentioned) is simply another tool in the hands of the wealthy and powerful that allows them to keep the school to prison pipeline functioning effectively.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
On the topic of crime of passion vs. premeditation. Our understanding of the brain is likely going to cause a re-evaluation of how figure what the source of violence is and what the risk is of it happening again. The traditional sense of assigning guilt and culpability, may not line up with how much a risk an individual actually poses.

Even the distinction of these two categories has one critical commonality. The standards applied in both in determining guilt are not affected by any categorical status of the perpetrator or the victim. There is constitutional guarantee of equal protection under the law. Hate crime is a form of premeditation that explicitly denies equal protection. That is the whole point as has been noted above in its "enhanced nature".
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by HCH:
The notion that declaring some category of crimes as hate crimes and giving such offenders harsher sentences seems to derive from either the concept of deterrence or the concept of vengeance. I don't think either of those works well. Deterrence doesn't work because no one ever expects to be caught, and vengeance is a poor basis for justice.

Deterrence is not the point of punishment, whether it works or not.

As C.S. Lewis argued (in his The Humanitarian Theory Of Punishment), if deterrence is all that matters, then there would be nothing wrong with executing someone who had not actually committed the crime, as long as the judicial system could convince everyone else that they had.

Deterrence, along with rehabilitation and prevention of re-offending, are merely possible by-products of punishment.

Punishment per se is about desert and retribution, which is not the same as vengeance.

FWIW, I believe that Israel was justified in executing Adolf Eichmann in 1962, but I am not Jewish, and no-one I know personally was affected by Eichmann, so my attitude has nothing to do with revenge, and everything to do with justice.

The case of Eichmann is also relevant to the hate crime issue.

While Hannah Arendt’s “banality of evil” thesis (that Eichmann was just a robotic bureaucrat trying to do as efficient a job as possible to please his superiors) might be something of an overstatement, it remains true that there is very little evidence that he was motivated by any sort of passionate anti-Semitism.

However, it would be difficult to argue that his actions were somehow less horrific and culpable because they were not a “hate crime” in the strict sense of the term.
 
Posted by mousethief (# 953) on :
 
A hate crime is, in essence, terrorism. An effort to cow a group of people using terror. Burning crosses on lawns is a good example of how a hate crime is terrorism. Get those blacks to move out of the neighborhood, or at least stop looking at white women. Pure terrorism.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Fr Weber:
I'm just not sure I can say that murdering someone because she was a woman is necessarily worse than murdering her because she played her stereo too loud late at night.

The rationale is basically this:

Being a woman is about who you are. It applies to 50% of the population and is intrinsic.

Playing your stereo too loud is something you do. It's not intrinsic, it's an individual action. It has no direct implication for anyone else.

Whether you agree with the rationale or not is up to you, but the basic notion behind laws on 'hate crime' is that targeting people for who they ARE - for membership of an intrinsic group - is a serious problem, and different in some ways from the way that individuals interact with each other as individuals.

The biggest issue I see is that a tendency develops to assume that a member of a group is always targeted because of their membership of the group. Any time a gay person is attacked, it's a gay bashing. When a black person is killed by a white person, it must be because of race.

And in this case, I did notice how quick it became a case about the death of Muslims, not about a parking space dispute between individuals. It's not axiomatic/automatic that this guy couldn't have had an equally toxic dispute over something as petty as a parking space if the dispute had been with a Christian or atheist neighbour instead of a Muslim one.

Criticisms that a Muslim attacker would have been instantly broadcast through the media as a Muslim terrorist are accurate, but 2 wrongs don't make a right. Something should only be labelled as a hate crime if there's actual evidence that membership of the targeted group was the motivation.

[ 13. February 2015, 05:47: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I would guess hate laws are a very effective deterrent in stopping crazy, hate filled people from committing crimes.

Do you think laws against murder, including capital punishment are a very effective deterrent in stopping people from committing murder?

Hate crimes are a multiplier given for an implicit conspiracy of multiple actors and for the intent to intimidate entire groups. If you don't like that, check out the United States RICO statutes for draconian actions. They were motivated to cope with gangs that would intimidate or murder witnesses and judges. All of this in the United States comes in response to a long history of unfair treatment of the protected groups.

As was pointed out earlier in the thread, some of the conspiracy includes local law enforcement. The hate crimes multiplier, like the multiplier for intent require judging the purpose of actions. We expect courts to be able to do so.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
Saysay, in focusing on systemic abuses, you've set aside the merits of hate crimes as a concept.

And about that, d'you have any evidence that prosecutors at a federal level & in a majority of states are using trumped up hate crime enhancements to leverage pleas from falsely accused persons? If do, can we please see it.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Deterrence is not the point of punishment, whether it works or not.

As C.S. Lewis argued (in his The Humanitarian Theory Of Punishment), if deterrence is all that matters, then there would be nothing wrong with executing someone who had not actually committed the crime, as long as the judicial system could convince everyone else that they had.

There is a difference between arguing that deterrence is not sufficient to justify punishment, and arguing that deterrence is not relevant. From the claim that deterrence is not a sufficient consideration, it doesn't follow either that retribution is a sufficient consideration, nor that deterrence may not justify aggravating punishment. It seems to me that the retributive effect opens the possibility of concrete penalties for deterrent or restorative ends, but does not of itself warrant the infliction of concrete penalties.

quote:
The case of Eichmann is also relevant to the hate crime issue.

While Hannah Arendt’s “banality of evil” thesis (that Eichmann was just a robotic bureaucrat trying to do as efficient a job as possible to please his superiors) might be something of an overstatement, it remains true that there is very little evidence that he was motivated by any sort of passionate anti-Semitism.

Hate crime is a functionalist description. It's not about the interior psychological state of the perpetrator: it is about the practical outworkings of widely held attitudes. If a member of the same hated group as the victim reasonably believes that they would be treated the same way as the victim under the same circumstances (and that other members of the perpetrators' group would not) then it's a hate crime.
Interior psychological states are not of much interest to anyone else. It is when they manifest as action that they become important.
 
Posted by la vie en rouge (# 10688) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
quote:
Originally posted by Teufelchen:
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
Xpost: This was to Byron.

Are you in law school or something? You seem to have a very detailed knowledge of the law in theory and no understanding of how it plays out in practice.

Do you think aggravating and mitigating factors, including but not limited to 'hate crime' issues, are not applied in practice?

t

No, I don't. I can't speak to your country, but in the US more than 93% of charges result in plea bargains. Frequently brought on as a result of prosecutors overcharging. Hate crime legislation (no matter how well intentioned) is simply another tool in the hands of the wealthy and powerful that allows them to keep the school to prison pipeline functioning effectively.
Which is a sign that your criminal justice system is broken. It doesn't mean that the category of 'hate crime' serves no usual purpose per se.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
Quite. The logical extension of that argument is to take away all power to prosecute from the state.

Of course there is no scientific evidence that hate crime legislation works. That is also the case for most elements of the justice system.

The argument for hate crime legislation is that, as orfeo describes, a society takes a view that particular prejudices driving violent crime are especially pernicious and need particular attention given to fighting them.
 
Posted by Jane R (# 331) on :
 
orfeo:
quote:
And in this case, I did notice how quick it became a case about the death of Muslims, not about a parking space dispute between individuals. It's not axiomatic/automatic that this guy couldn't have had an equally toxic dispute over something as petty as a parking space if the dispute had been with a Christian or atheist neighbour instead of a Muslim one.
It sounds as if he objected to anyone parking in the space that he thought of as his, and was in the habit of going out to remonstrate with his gun. But the only people he actually went as far as shooting were Muslims; and he didn't just pull out his gun and start blazing away at random in the heat of the moment, he followed them into their apartment and shot all three of them in the head.

I don't know what that proves one way or the other, but if I lived in that apartment block I'd be terrified of encountering any of my neighbours, armed or not.
 
Posted by Arethosemyfeet (# 17047) on :
 
I think hate crime legislation in the UK has been a big part of changing attitudes. It's not about the prosecutions themselves as about the message sent by the law itself. Criminalising the incitement of racial hatred (which is actually fairly narrowly defined so that even the BNP manage to avoid it most of the time) has sent a clear signal that racism is Not OK. Law can, in many cases, guide behaviour without being enforced. We've seen that negatively in the UK with Section 28, and more positively as I've outlined above.
 
Posted by Teufelchen (# 10158) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mousethief:
A hate crime is, in essence, terrorism. An effort to cow a group of people using terror. Burning crosses on lawns is a good example of how a hate crime is terrorism. Get those blacks to move out of the neighborhood, or at least stop looking at white women. Pure terrorism.

*applause*

t
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
Even the distinction of these two categories has one critical commonality. The standards applied in both in determining guilt are not affected by any categorical status of the perpetrator or the victim. There is constitutional guarantee of equal protection under the law. Hate crime is a form of premeditation that explicitly denies equal protection. That is the whole point as has been noted above in its "enhanced nature".

It's been remarked that to white folks, race is something other people have. I think the kind of flawed and false analysis Alt Wally puts forward comes from the same general sentiment. It conflates the observation "people of my race/religion/sexual orientation are rarely, if ever, assaulted or murdered because of their race/religion/sexual orientation" with the false notion "therefore this law only applies to these other people".

To take a not entirely at random example, gay bashing still falls under the rubric of hate crime law even if the person bashed was actually straight. What matters is the motives of the perpetrator, not the categorical status of either party.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
Of course there is no scientific evidence that hate crime legislation works. That is also the case for most elements of the justice system.

The argument for hate crime legislation is that, as orfeo describes, a society takes a view that particular prejudices driving violent crime are especially pernicious and need particular attention given to fighting them.

Isn't that argument fairly widely accepted in virtually every other form of state enforcement. Questions of deterrence or vengeance are equally applicable to why most governments apply different penalties to premeditated murder than they do to parking violations. If that's a bar to differential sentencing for bias-motivated crimes, it's a bar to differential sentencing for any crime.

[ 13. February 2015, 13:53: Message edited by: Crœsos ]
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
Our understanding of the brain is likely going to cause a re-evaluation of how figure what the source of violence is and what the risk is of it happening again.

Do you mean in terms of neurophysiology? If so I think such an understanding is a very long way away. The imaging and biochemical tests available have way too low a resolution to do anything so subtle.

Or do you mean in terms of the model one has to explain it?

Either way it may be that in terms of the societal risk one still gives hate crimes a particular focus, not simply because the perpetrators may be higher risk, but the risk of the crime impacting the rest of society and leading to further polarization is higher.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
Hate crime laws are meant to deal with specific patterns of crime.
Various people on this board have asked that something be done about the anti-Christian violence that occurs in several Islamic countries. Note they did not ask for action on generic violence against both Christians and Muslims in those countries. They wanted remedies for a specific pattern of violence, one that has frequently been tolerated or even approved by law enforcement in that country.
Generalizing the problem into "all violence" makes any attempts at solution ineffective.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
Hate crime is a form of premeditation that explicitly denies equal protection. That is the whole point as has been noted above in its "enhanced nature".

Does your definition of "hate crime" imply premeditation ? Is it not possible in a fit of rage to kill someone from a group that you despise, with their status forming part of the motivation but without prior intention to do so ?

Premeditation is tied up with rationality. If I kill you cold-bloodedly, reasoning to gain personal advantage thereby, that's normally considered more evil than killing you in a fit if temper. But the sort of prejudice (against gays or blacks for example) that underpins many instances of what are called "hate crimes" seems basically irrational. Such a murder seems like the same sort of giving in to irrational urges as the "fit of temper" case.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
Hate crime laws are meant to deal with specific patterns of crime.
Various people on this board have asked that something be done about the anti-Christian violence that occurs in several Islamic countries. Note they did not ask for action on generic violence against both Christians and Muslims in those countries. They wanted remedies for a specific pattern of violence, one that has frequently been tolerated or even approved by law enforcement in that country.
Generalizing the problem into "all violence" makes any attempts at solution ineffective.

Excellent point.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

Interior psychological states are not of much interest to anyone else. It is when they manifest as action that they become important.

In the case I referred to in the OP, those who try him will probably try to work out whether his “interior psychological state” consisted of a hatred for religious people in general, and that the three young people he shot were simply representatives of that group, in which case they will call it a "hate crime"; or whether he shot three young people, regardless of their religiosity or lack thereof, merely because they had annoyed him over a parking space.

The point is, that the latter is as bad as the former, but just doesn’t have a label (“pissed-off crime”?)

It is equally evil and irrational to think you have the right to arbitrarily shoot anyone who crosses you, as it is to think you have the right to arbitrarily shoot anyone whose faith you don’t like.

In Eichmann’s case, his culpability lies in the fact that he was complicit in the mass murder of innocent human beings by going along with a system which was doing just that.

Whether or not it was a “hate crime” on the part of those for whom he worked has no relevance to his personal guilt.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Kaplan Corday, I do have a lot of sympathy with your view.

I tend to think in this case that the man is likely to get locked away for life no matter what. However, that made me realise something else: we do, in fact, take into account all sorts of aspects of a crime in sentencing. It isn't the case - at least, in countries that inherited their system from the English system - that there's a single, uniform sentence for murder.

We don't treat all these crimes as equally wicked, in other words. When it comes to guilt, murder is murder, but when it comes to punishment, we distinguish between murderers all the time.

[ 14. February 2015, 06:10: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

Interior psychological states are not of much interest to anyone else. It is when they manifest as action that they become important.

In the case I referred to in the OP, those who try him will probably try to work out whether his “interior psychological state” consisted of a hatred for religious people in general, and that the three young people he shot were simply representatives of that group, in which case they will call it a "hate crime"; or whether he shot three young people, regardless of their religiosity or lack thereof, merely because they had annoyed him over a parking space.
We do not have access to any interior psychological state. Arguably the man doesn't have infallible access either.
What we do have access to is patterns of behaviour that reveal motive, disposition, and intention. (If, for example, he ranted about Muslims on a anti-religious atheist message board.) In addition, we have patterns of social expectation created by society about the ways in which Muslims can expect to be treated and regarded. Possibly the jury might try to infer from those an interior psychological state, but that is an unnecessary final step.

(A sidestep into twentieth-century philosophy: we couldn't even talk about interior psychological states unless they have some consistent manifestation in motive, disposition, and intention. If they didn't there would be no way to identify them for the person experiencing them.)

quote:
It is equally evil and irrational to think you have the right to arbitrarily shoot anyone who crosses you, as it is to think you have the right to arbitrarily shoot anyone whose faith you don’t like.
I have already said why I disagree.

quote:
In Eichmann’s case, his culpability lies in the fact that he was complicit in the mass murder of innocent human beings by going along with a system which was doing just that.

Whether or not it was a “hate crime” on the part of those for whom he worked has no relevance to his personal guilt.

I have already said why I disagree as have others. In fact, we've already said that the complicity with a wider pattern of behaviour is the aggravating factor in hate crime. If complicity is culpable then hate crime is more culpable than personal crime (all things being equal).
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by la vie en rouge:
Which is a sign that your criminal justice system is broken. It doesn't mean that the category of 'hate crime' serves no usual purpose per se.

Please note that saysay has yet to produce any evidence of American prosecutors fabricating hate crime enhancements, let alone show that this fraud on the court is endemic.

All criminal complaints in the U.S. require the prosecutor to show probable cause. This is done in various ways, typically before a grand jury, or in a preliminary hearing before a judge. They're far from perfect, but they don't give prosecutors license to invent evidence. Any prosecutor caught doing that (it has happened on occasion) loses their immunity from suit.

"Overcharging" is really a misnomer. It doesn't mean there's no PC for the charges; it means the prosecutor initially pursues a harsher penalty than the one they believe is most appropriate, in order to leverage a plea bargain. Since the evidence does support the harsher penalty, the plea bargain's in effect a discount for saving the state the expense of a trial.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Whether or not it was a “hate crime” on the part of those for whom he worked has no relevance to his personal guilt.

Guilt is dichotomous: Guilty or not guilty.

The thing that in theory could be considered on a continuous scale is the danger that the crime poses to a society. I think it is legitimate for a society to think that hate crimes are more dangerous than non-hate crimes and therefore to target resources and balance retributive justice accordingly.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
hate crime is more culpable than personal crime

The distinction between personal crimes and other crimes is questionable.

Any crime raises the fear of its being committed by someone else against someone else in a similar position.

A car theft, for example, potentially threatens all car-owners, but that does not mean that car thieves should suffer further sanctions to punish them for frightening car-owners with the possibility of their cars also being stolen.

Justice demands that they be punished only for the car thefts which they have personally committed, not in addition for the fear aroused of those which might be committed in emulation.

Obviously killing someone for being religious is a far worse crime than stealing a car, and should be more severely punished, but the principle is the same: no-one deserves to be punished for crimes which other people might commit.

[ 15. February 2015, 04:31: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
It's widely recognised that overcharging by prosecutors to leverage plea bargains (as recognised here) is a feature of the US criminal justice system.

There is no good reason to expect aggravating hate crime charges are not going to be part of that.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Justice demands that they be punished only for the car thefts which they have personally committed, not in addition for the fear aroused of those which might be committed in emulation.

Firstly - why? The fear aroused is a consequence of their actions that is foreseeable by the thief, and for which it seems appropriate that the thief should take responsibility for.

quote:
Obviously killing someone for being religious is a far worse crime than stealing a car, and should be more severely punished, but the principle is the same: no-one deserves to be punished for crimes which other people might commit.
Inciting somebody else to commit a crime is usually seen as immoral and as deserving to be illegal. If one foreseeable consequence of committing a crime is that it makes that kind of crime seem acceptable I don't see why that shouldn't also be taken into account in sentencing.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
Do you think laws against murder, including capital punishment are a very effective deterrent in stopping people from committing murder?
Hate crimes are a multiplier given for an implicit conspiracy of multiple actors and for the intent to intimidate entire groups. If you don't like that, check out the United States RICO statutes for draconian actions. They were motivated to cope with gangs that would intimidate or murder witnesses and judges. All of this in the United States comes in response to a long history of unfair treatment of the protected groups.
As was pointed out earlier in the thread, some of the conspiracy includes local law enforcement. The hate crimes multiplier, like the multiplier for intent require judging the purpose of actions. We expect courts to be able to do so.

In answer to the first part of your question, I don’t believe capital punishment has a deterrent effect on preventing murder in terms of convincing others not to commit the same sort of crime. In terms of recidivism, well I guess you could say it has a deterrent effect in that regard. To what extent does the possibility of getting caught and punished stop murder? I don’t know the answer. I think there are probably more important societal factors that reduce murder rates that are not tied to the severity of punishment. Now certainly we have an obligation based on the crime to remove people who commit murder from free society, and that certainly has a deterrent effect of the possibility of the same people committing the same crime again.

I’m obviously not arguing that bias motivated crime doesn’t happen or isn’t detrimental to society, I’m just not convinced that hate crime laws have the intended effect. I think there is an emotional side to it that supposes enhanced punishment will be a deterrent, and like capital punishment I suspect that isn’t true.
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
Hate crime laws are meant to deal with specific patterns of crime.
Various people on this board have asked that something be done about the anti-Christian violence that occurs in several Islamic countries. Note they did not ask for action on generic violence against both Christians and Muslims in those countries. They wanted remedies for a specific pattern of violence, one that has frequently been tolerated or even approved by law enforcement in that country.
Generalizing the problem into "all violence" makes any attempts at solution ineffective.

But perhaps what is desired in those instances is simply equal application under the law, and not necessarily special protections. I don’t think it’s a matter of Christians either, the group in question could be Yazidis, Shiites, Atheists, etc.


quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
]It's been remarked that to white folks, race is something other people have. I think the kind of flawed and false analysis Alt Wally puts forward comes from the same general sentiment. It conflates the observation "people of my race/religion/sexual orientation are rarely, if ever, assaulted or murdered because of their race/religion/sexual orientation" with the false notion "therefore this law only applies to these other people".
To take a not entirely at random example, gay bashing still falls under the rubric of hate crime law even if the person bashed was actually straight. What matters is the motives of the perpetrator, not the categorical status of either party.

Hate laws are intended to apply protections to protected classes; i.e. specific categories of the population. The punishments are “enhanced” to further their protection. My guess is the rationale is the state has a compelling interest in this unequal application sentencing standards upon conviction. It also happens that the majority of victims of hate crime, if you go by conviction statistics are said white folks. A further issue is the protected classes are somewhat selective, both in terms of the way hate laws are defined (and they are mostly local, which is counter intuitive to what some have presented here as their intent) and what classes are protected.

I would actually be curious if your latter scenario really occurred, and if so if the prosecutors in the case were actually able to get a conviction and enhanced punishment on the basis of a hate crime. I would have thought they would have faced a pretty monumental task in doing so.
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
Do you mean in terms of neurophysiology? If so I think such an understanding is a very long way away. The imaging and biochemical tests available have way too low a resolution to do anything so subtle.
Or do you mean in terms of the model one has to explain it?
Either way it may be that in terms of the societal risk one still gives hate crimes a particular focus, not simply because the perpetrators may be higher risk, but the risk of the crime impacting the rest of society and leading to further polarization is higher.

I am saying that Neuroscience is raising ethical questions that are not easy to answer, and those questions are not a long way off. http://www.livescience.com/13083-criminals-brain-neuroscience-ethics.html
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
Does your definition of "hate crime" imply premeditation ? Is it not possible in a fit of rage to kill someone from a group that you despise, with their status forming part of the motivation but without prior intention to do so ?

Premeditation is tied up with rationality. If I kill you cold-bloodedly, reasoning to gain personal advantage thereby, that's normally considered more evil than killing you in a fit if temper. But the sort of prejudice (against gays or blacks for example) that underpins many instances of what are called "hate crimes" seems basically irrational. Such a murder seems like the same sort of giving in to irrational urges as the "fit of temper" case.

I think you raise an interesting question. I think the assumption typically has been that hate crime is pre-meditated, unless you could believe one could essentially instantaneously form and vocalize a bias which you act on right at the moment. I think the case that started all of this is probably relevant to this topic. Was the assailant in this instance capable of the rational thought that we believe is essential to pre-meditated murder? What if he was just a sociopath who did spout off against religion (or even Muslims in particular), carried a gun, and happened to get inflamed on a given day over a parking space? Is that a hate crime?

[ 15. February 2015, 19:03: Message edited by: Alt Wally ]
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
It's widely recognised that overcharging by prosecutors to leverage plea bargains (as recognised here) is a feature of the US criminal justice system.

There is no good reason to expect aggravating hate crime charges are not going to be part of that.

That article refers to federal crimes. State systems are very different, particularly as regards grand jury reform, and how they assess probable cause.

Moreover, as the Zimmerman case illustrates, federal hate crime laws are very tightly drawn. The Justice Dept. would, it's safe to say, have loved to charge the guy. It launched a thorough investigation, but no charges were filed for lack of evidence.

If prosecutors could (as saysay seemed to imply) simply fabricate hate crime enhancements with impunity, this shouldn't have happened. If saysay didn't mean to imply that, perhaps she could return and elaborate, and offer some kind of evidence to back her claims.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Byron:
Moreover, as the Zimmerman case illustrates, federal hate crime laws are very tightly drawn. The Justice Dept. would, it's safe to say, have loved to charge the guy. It launched a thorough investigation, but no charges were filed for lack of evidence.

The chief lack of evidence being that he'd committed any crime whatsoever, never mind a hate crime. You make it sound like they went "dammit, we can only get him for common murder, not racially motivated murder".
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I would actually be curious if your latter scenario really occurred, and if so if the prosecutors in the case were actually able to get a conviction and enhanced punishment on the basis of a hate crime. I would have thought they would have faced a pretty monumental task in doing so.

I don't remember ever hearing a line of defense in a trial that the victim of the hate crime wasn't in fact gay. Neither do I remember ever hearing that the prosecution needed to establish a line of evidence showing that the victim was in fact gay. I think the task is showing that the crime was motivated by homophobia, which may or may not be monumental depending on the strength of the evidence.

quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I am saying that Neuroscience is raising ethical questions that are not easy to answer, and those questions are not a long way off. http://www.livescience.com/13083-criminals-brain-neuroscience-ethics.html

I'm not bowled over by the quality of the study, or the relevance of identifying some such abnormalities in a small number of individuals with personality disorders. I certainly don't see it undermining the concept of a hate crime, even if there might be instances where individuals with these personality disorders get caught up with the hate-crime label.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I’m obviously not arguing that bias motivated crime doesn’t happen or isn’t detrimental to society, I’m just not convinced that hate crime laws have the intended effect. I think there is an emotional side to it that supposes enhanced punishment will be a deterrent, and like capital punishment I suspect that isn’t true.

Leaving out capital punishment, do you think laws against homicide with penalties do any good? There's a presumption that all laws with criminal penalty do some good. You seem to treat penalties for hate crime as requiring more justification than penalties for other crimes in order to satisfy you. That is unconvincing to those of us who value the law.

quote:

But perhaps what is desired in those instances is simply equal application under the law, and not necessarily special protections. I don’t think it’s a matter of Christians either, the group in question could be Yazidis, Shiites, Atheists, etc.

All hate crime laws that have been passed in the United States don't protect a specific class of people, but deal with certain types of crime. For example they protect people against attack because of their sexual orientation, not just gay people. Of course this is like the law in its impartial majesty prohibiting the rich as well as the poor from sleeping under bridges. They are rarely needed for the protection of majorities and tend to be selectively useful, but these laws do protect everyone. For example, in Seattle, the majority of recent hate crime complaints have been against GBLTQ people.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Justice demands that they be punished only for the car thefts which they have personally committed, not in addition for the fear aroused of those which might be committed in emulation.

Firstly - why? The fear aroused is a consequence of their actions that is foreseeable by the thief, and for which it seems appropriate that the thief should take responsibility for.

quote:
Obviously killing someone for being religious is a far worse crime than stealing a car, and should be more severely punished, but the principle is the same: no-one deserves to be punished for crimes which other people might commit.
Inciting somebody else to commit a crime is usually seen as immoral and as deserving to be illegal. If one foreseeable consequence of committing a crime is that it makes that kind of crime seem acceptable I don't see why that shouldn't also be taken into account in sentencing.

In both cases the ramifications, emotional or otherwise, of a crime are subjective, incalculable, and limited only by the imagination of a prosecutor.

That is why the law makes such efforts to limit a court’s attention to what an individual has (allegedly) actually done.

That is why, for example, a trial for an emotionally charged offence such as the sexual molestation of a child should, as far as possible, be protected from attempts to drag in other other, unrelated, real or potential examples of paedophilia in an attempt to produce a moral panic which will sway the case against the accused.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
I think this confuses the distinction between the guilty/not guilty step and the sentencing step.

The former ought not to consider any such ramifications since it is about standards of proof of guilt for the crime. The latter may consider other factors that determine the severity of the crime, many of which are not objective and may relate to emotional distress and risks of re-offending etc. I believe that is standard in UK justice.
 
Posted by Teufelchen (# 10158) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
I think this confuses the distinction between the guilty/not guilty step and the sentencing step.

The former ought not to consider any such ramifications since it is about standards of proof of guilt for the crime. The latter may consider other factors that determine the severity of the crime, many of which are not objective and may relate to emotional distress and risks of re-offending etc. I believe that is standard in UK justice.

It is. And to the best of my knowledge, we don't have plea bargains. The offences to be tried are selected by the Crown Prosecution Service on the basis of what case can be made on the basis of the available evidence, and what is most likely, given those facts, to secure a conviction.

Co-operating rather than not co-operating with the investigation may be considered a mitigating factor, as may a prompt plea of 'guilty'. But we don't choose the charges on the basis of extracting a particular plea.

t
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Teufelchen:
Co-operating rather than not co-operating with the investigation may be considered a mitigating factor, as may a prompt plea of 'guilty'. But we don't choose the charges on the basis of extracting a particular plea.

The police often attempt at the pre-charge stage to overcook the rap sheet - their favourite is (I'm led to believe) is "conspiracy to..." when it's a sole defendant. All the prosecutors of my acquaintance tend to be very conservative in their charging, picking the least charge to cover the crime rather than the greatest, and not only because they're scared of the withering look from the judge when they get up to make their opening statement.
 
Posted by Byron (# 15532) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
The chief lack of evidence being that [Zimmerman had] committed any crime whatsoever, never mind a hate crime. You make it sound like they went "dammit, we can only get him for common murder, not racially motivated murder".

If I did, it wasn't my intent. As you know, the state and federal cases against Zimmerman are run by different people, and a federal case would be under a separate law.

In response to the (apparent) claim that the U.S. shouldn't have hate crime legislation 'cause American prosecutors enjoy carte blanche to trump up charges, I offered an example of prosecutors who clearly wanted to bring a hate crime case, but couldn't for lack of evidence.

This piece from the Orlando Sentinel has some insights to this issue, notably that Florida prosecutors kick a quarter of charges for lack of evidence. Clearly, in that jurisdiction, they don't get a free ride.
 
Posted by Doublethink. (# 1984) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Teufelchen:
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
I think this confuses the distinction between the guilty/not guilty step and the sentencing step.

The former ought not to consider any such ramifications since it is about standards of proof of guilt for the crime. The latter may consider other factors that determine the severity of the crime, many of which are not objective and may relate to emotional distress and risks of re-offending etc. I believe that is standard in UK justice.

It is. And to the best of my knowledge, we don't have plea bargains. The offences to be tried are selected by the Crown Prosecution Service on the basis of what case can be made on the basis of the available evidence, and what is most likely, given those facts, to secure a conviction.

Co-operating rather than not co-operating with the investigation may be considered a mitigating factor, as may a prompt plea of 'guilty'. But we don't choose the charges on the basis of extracting a particular plea.

t

You could argue that fixed penalities and cautions meet this criteria to a limited extent. There are also standard deductions at sentencing if you plead guilty at the earliest opportunity.

However, there is nothing like the scope of bargaining permitted under the US system.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
In both cases the ramifications, emotional or otherwise, of a crime are subjective, incalculable, and limited only by the imagination of a prosecutor.

The same can be said, surely, of any attempt to assign crimes any intrinsic penalty, with rather more weight. Sociologists can research the possible effects of patterns of criminal wrongdoing with no more subjectivity than they research anything else.
The penalty assigned to a crime is determined in principle by legislators and in application by judges, rather than by prosecutors.

quote:
That is why, for example, a trial for an emotionally charged offence such as the sexual molestation of a child should, as far as possible, be protected from attempts to drag in other other, unrelated, real or potential examples of paedophilia in an attempt to produce a moral panic which will sway the case against the accused.
The principle here is not the same. As mdijon points out this refers to the question of whether someone is guilty or innocent, not to what penalty should be applies if the person is found guilty.
Furthermore, this applies only at the trial stage. Determining whether something should be a crime and what kind of penalty should typically be applied are decisions that get made on general principles.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
I'm not bowled over by the quality of the study, or the relevance of identifying some such abnormalities in a small number of individuals with personality disorders. I certainly don't see it undermining the concept of a hate crime, even if there might be instances where individuals with these personality disorders get caught up with the hate-crime label.

It’s more of a tangent. The Dartmouth Journal of Science link has a number of additional study details and links about Neurocriminology. The question is whether there are neurological differences that pre-dispose certain individuals to crime (I would assume even without a diagnosis of a personality disorder), in particular violent crime. It causes troubling ethical questions about how we view intent and moral responsibility. I only bring it up because it may be a further complicating factor in determining what is a hate crime, which is already thorny and difficult to establish. That’s not a “for” or “against”, I just find it an interesting question.
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
Leaving out capital punishment, do you think laws against homicide with penalties do any good? There's a presumption that all laws with criminal penalty do some good. You seem to treat penalties for hate crime as requiring more justification than penalties for other crimes in order to satisfy you. That is unconvincing to those of us who value the law.

I guess I have a somewhat hard time leaving capital punishment out, since it seems it exists in large part due to the belief that being the ultimate punishment, it would deter homicidal violence. It seems that in fact it doesn’t. I am asking for the justification for hate crime, because I am skeptical hate laws actually have the deterrent effect they are supposed to. If we are going to add extra complication to the legal process, extra punishment for those convicted of crimes, we should do it because it works.
quote:
All hate crime laws that have been passed in the United States don't protect a specific class of people, but deal with certain types of crime.
Yes, I agree with this and your description is more accurate than mine was.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I am asking for the justification for hate crime, because I am skeptical hate laws actually have the deterrent effect they are supposed to. If we are going to add extra complication to the legal process, extra punishment for those convicted of crimes, we should do it because it works.

I'm reasonably utilitarian, but I can see other justifications other than "it works". We can, as a society, choose to flag certain aggravating factors as requiring a harsher sentence, just in the same as we have mitigating factors. And we've had to codify what we now term "hate crimes" as aggravating because our legal systems were particularly (and often wilfully) blind to recognising those factors.

A non-contentious example would be punching someone, and punching a police officer.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
A non-contentious example would be punching someone, and punching a police officer.

Well quite. I can't remember many people asking for proof that that "works" as a deterrent to hitting a police officer. Or arguing that it distorts values to rate one punch as being worse than another.
 
Posted by RuthW (# 13) on :
 
Here in the US police officers are apparently allowed to kill people with impunity, so I have a hard time with the notion that it's worse to punch one of them than to punch someone else.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
As mdijon points out this refers to the question of whether someone is guilty or innocent, not to what penalty should be applies if the person is found guilty.

Penalties, also, however, should as far as possible not be determined by the pressures of current fashionable ideas and emotions.

quote:

Determining whether something should be a crime and what kind of penalty should typically be applied are decisions that get made on general principles.

And the general principle in western legal systems is that penalties should be consistent, and not determined by the perceived standing (religious, ethnic, caste, social class, whatever) of the victim.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by RuthW:
Here in the US police officers are apparently allowed to kill people with impunity, so I have a hard time with the notion that it's worse to punch one of them than to punch someone else.

A minority of police have been involved in wrongful exercise of armed force, therefore all police deserve what's coming to them.

Now where have I come across reasoning like that before?

Ah, I know!

A minority of Muslims are murderous fanatics, therefore all Muslims......
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Penalties, also, however, should as far as possible not be determined by the pressures of current fashionable ideas and emotions.

Call me a slave to whim and the zeitgeist but I argue for hate crime as a category in terms of justice, deterrence and utilitarian benefit for society.

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
And the general principle in western legal systems is that penalties should be consistent, and not determined by the perceived standing (religious, ethnic, caste, social class, whatever) of the victim.

Is it? Says who? And so you wouldn't be in favour of particular protections for the police either?
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
As mdijon points out this refers to the question of whether someone is guilty or innocent, not to what penalty should be applies if the person is found guilty.

Penalties, also, however, should as far as possible not be determined by the pressures of current fashionable ideas and emotions.
This is one of those irregular verbs, isn't it?
I base my opinions on objective rational factors.
You base your opinions on the pressures of current fashionable ideas and emotions.

'Fashionable' is a great all-purpose dismissal of anything whatsoever.

quote:
quote:

Determining whether something should be a crime and what kind of penalty should typically be applied are decisions that get made on general principles.

And the general principle in western legal systems is that penalties should be consistent, and not determined by the perceived standing (religious, ethnic, caste, social class, whatever) of the victim.
I note you haven't disagreed with the principle that attacks upon police officers deserve higher sentences.
You do not increase penalties because the person attacked is of a higher social standing. But you may because the person attacked is more vulnerable. Would you accept the claim that somebody who beats up an old man or woman deserves a particular abhorrence from society reflected in the scope of the sentence?
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
This is one of those irregular verbs, isn't it?
I base my opinions on objective rational factors.
You base your opinions on the pressures of current fashionable ideas and emotions.

'Fashionable' is a great all-purpose dismissal of anything whatsoever.

Your response is the standard one, as predictable as “patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel” when patriotism is mentioned, or “One person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom-fighter” when terrorism comes up, but there is something nontheless in what you say.

However, sometimes it is actually valid to describe something as fashionable.

A current case is the difference in attitudes toward the global killings of Muslims and Christians.

The killings of Muslims (at least when carried out by non-Muslims; most Muslims are killed by their co-religionists) are taken very seriously, as is the concept of “Islamophobia”.

Killings of Christians (such as the twenty-one Coptic believers beheaded recently in Libya by ISIS) tend to go unreported or at least unremarked, with a sub-text of “serve them right for all the killings Christians have carried out in past centuries”, and any attempts to launch the neologism “Christophobic” have been treated with derision.

The different attitudes toward equally reprehensible persecution is based merely on what’s trendy.

As a Christian I am as opposed to the categorisation of murders of Christians as “hate crime” as I am to the description of the killing of Muslims as “hate crime”.

An individual human being is of inestimable value, whether from a Christian or a humanist point of view, and to make murders of some more significant than the murders of others is invidious and unacceptable.
 
Posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider (# 76) on :
 
I'm calling bullshit on that Kaplan. In what sense was the beheading of the Coptic Christians "unreported" or "unremarked"? - it was mainstream news - and I defy you to point to anyone suggesting they deserved it. Certainly more coverage than the murders of those Muslim students by that atheist nutter last week.

Hate crime legislation does not say one life is more valuable than another. It says that the sort of dangerous cuntery that leads idiots to murder someone simply because they are black, Jewish, Christian, Muslim, Disabled, Goth, or whatever, is a greater danger to society than common or garden murder.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
The killings of Muslims (at least when carried out by non-Muslims; most Muslims are killed by their co-religionists) are taken very seriously, as is the concept of “Islamophobia”.

Killings of Christians (such as the twenty-one Coptic believers beheaded recently in Libya by ISIS) tend to go unreported or at least unremarked, with a sub-text of “serve them right for all the killings Christians have carried out in past centuries”, and any attempts to launch the neologism “Christophobic” have been treated with derision.

Well, that's certainly an example of a fashionable argument. People jump up making this kind of argument whenever atheist media figures criticise Christianity (as if the atheist media figures didn't describe Islam as the world's most evil religion), or on those few occasions when persecution of Muslims is reported or objected to (despite the far more frequent promulgation of negative stereotypes about Muslims).

That your argument is fashionable doesn't mean it is ill-founded; nor does it mean that it is well-founded.

Karl Liberal Backslider has already pointed out at least one glaring counterexample to your narrative.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
And in any case has nothing to do with the more substantive discussion about principles of justice and whether it is reasonable to sentence according to a victims characteristics.

(And more importantly for purposes of hate crime according to the motive - it isn't whether the victim is gay that matters, what matters is that the perpetrator wanted to target gay people for their crime).
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
An individual human being is of inestimable value, whether from a Christian or a humanist point of view, and to make murders of some more significant than the murders of others is invidious and unacceptable.

That is why hate crimes are deserving of greater punishment - the perpetrator makes the murder or beating more significant than it would be were it a mere domestic dispute.

I doubt you apply your principle realistically across the board. I repeat: do you apply it to:
a) the murder of police officers?
b) the murder of the elderly and infirm?
c) the murder of children?
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider:
Certainly more coverage than the murders of those Muslim students by that atheist nutter last week.

Evidence?

It certainly wasn't self-evident to me.

It was interesting that in the account of Obama's reference to it which I read, he called the victims "citizens" rather than "Christians" despite their ISIS murderers referring to them as Christians.

Condemnation of the beheadings by el-Sisi needs to be taken with a grain of salt.

There have been many Islamist atrocities against Coptic Christians in Egypt which have not appeared in the global media, and which have been more or less ignored by the Egyptian authorities.

In this case, el-Sisi's high-profile public outrage appears to be connected with domestic politics, ie his fear of radical Islamist groups such as the Brotherhood and ISIS as his political rivals.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

I doubt you apply your principle realistically across the board. I repeat: do you apply it to:
a) the murder of police officers?
b) the murder of the elderly and infirm?
c) the murder of children?

A bank robber who killed a policeman who was trying to block their escape would not be more or less culpable than if they killed a bank employee or customer or passer-by who was trying to block their escape.

Someone engaged in a feud with the family next door, who snapped, took a firearm next door, and shot whoever opened the door, would be equally guilt were the victim a child, an elderly and infirm person, or a healthy middle-aged adult.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
That puts you quite out of step with UK law.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
I suspect it puts him out of step with the laws of quite a lot of countries. I think it is quite common for the law to regard some targets of crimes as more serious than others.

Kaplan Corday's analysis of culpability is perfectly sensible on an abstract, philosophical level about moral culpability, but offences are not created and their maximum punishments are not set in an abstract way. Taking into account 'aggravating' factors that relate not just to a person's actions, but the precise consequences of those actions including the nature of the victim, is a quite deliberate policy decision.

It seems to me that Kaplan Corday's analysis is focusing entirely on the perpetrator, and while that actually makes a lot of sense on one level given that it's the perpetrator who's going to be punished, the practical reality is that law/policy makers look at the victim side of the equation and choose to give special protection to some kinds of potential victims by placing heavier sentences as a deterrent.

To put it simply, law is not just about morals and suggesting that equal moral culpability should result in equal punishment is never going to fly.

[ 19. February 2015, 06:06: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Killings of Christians (such as the twenty-one Coptic believers beheaded recently in Libya by ISIS) tend to go unreported or at least unremarked,

It was headline news. That's why I know about it.

As are the deaths of hostages at the hands of ISIS.

In both cases, these are reported far more specifically and prominently than the general mayhem ISIS is inflicting against the local, largely Muslim, population.
 
Posted by Gee D (# 13815) on :
 
KC is clearly at odds with the law in NSW, and I think other jurisdictions in Aust as well. The murder of a police officer is treated as a much more serious offence, and for good reason. A prime function of government is to ensure the safety of its citizens; its police force is one of the methods taken to adopt that. The murder of an officer is inherently more an attack on society generally than attacks on others.

Incidentally, the last death sentence carried out in Aust was for the murder (having been instructed by the judge on the felony-murder rule) of a prison officer in the course of an escape.
 
Posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider (# 76) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider:
Certainly more coverage than the murders of those Muslim students by that atheist nutter last week.

Evidence?

It certainly wasn't self-evident to me.

You must have been living under a fucking rock then because it was headline news on every outlet I can think of. Unlike the killings of those muslims I referenced.

Clearly also headline news down under as well as Orfeo has noted.

[ 19. February 2015, 08:19: Message edited by: Karl: Liberal Backslider ]
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
There are reports that IS are killing several hundred tribesmen a week, in order to press gang other tribes. Not exactly front page news in the West, as they are brown, and not Christians.
 
Posted by L'organist (# 17338) on :
 
ISIS causes mayhem in ways other than by killing.

For example, the south eastern parts of Turkey have been overwhelmed with refugees, as has Jordan and Lebanon: the local people in these areas are doing their best to help this tide of suffering humanity but they are not wealthy to begin with and there are limits to how much help they can offer or for how long.

Now we have news emerging that ISIS have been destroying archaeological sites in the areas under their control. This might seem like a small thing but these sites and the riches within them are part of the heritage of the local population whose lives are, yet again, being impoverished by these nutters.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
We can, as a society, choose to flag certain aggravating factors as requiring a harsher sentence, just in the same as we have mitigating factors. And we've had to codify what we now term "hate crimes" as aggravating because our legal systems were particularly (and often wilfully) blind to recognising those factors.

I find myself wanting to make a distinction between
- an aggravating factor that a judge should consider when sentencing someone for a crime for which they have been found guilty
- a law whereby the presence of that same factor makes it a more serious crime.

If someone beats an old man or a child to death in circumstances where the helplessness of the victim should be a clear signal that they are not an appropriate target for violence, then yes that's an aggravating factor. If someone plants a car bomb and the victim happens to be an old man passing by, then that doesn't make it any worse than if it were some other passer-by. I would not support a law that makes child-murder or geriatric-murder a more serious offence as such. That would be saying that some lives are more valuable than others.

And doing the wrong thing because doing the right thing didn't work sounds a particularly poor argument. On a par with "such-and-such a country has done it so it must be right".

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
I find myself wanting to make a distinction between
- an aggravating factor that a judge should consider when sentencing someone for a crime for which they have been found guilty
- a law whereby the presence of that same factor makes it a more serious crime.

I suspect this is a distinction without a difference, though. Because really all you are distinguishing between is

- an aggravating factor that has been developed by judges over time through precedent

- an aggravating factor decided by Parliament/Congress

Laws are precisely the way we tell judges to adjust their course and take into account a new aggravating factor that they hadn't already taken into account as part of the system they developed themselves.

If you have 2 crimes with the same elements except one has an additional element - the victim is a police officer, or a child, or whatever - and a higher maximum sentence for the crime with the additional element - then the whole purpose of the law is to tell the courts it's an aggravating factor.

Once we accept that aggravating factors are possible, I can't see a reason to say that only judges may collectively work out what those factors are.

[ 19. February 2015, 21:22: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
When I first heard of hate crimes -- essentially harsher sentences for crimes against some people than for the same crime against someone else -- I could scarcely believe such a thing existed. I still can't believe it.

It reminds me of eighteenth century peasants getting a night in jail for beating up a scullery maid and a hanging for slapping an aristocrat.

Assaulting someone is already a crime. The fact that is a crime "sends a message," that society won't tolerate it.

As it stands now, someone thinking of robbing a store knows that if they rob the store owned by a fit young gay man, and happen to use a derogatory term for him in the process, he will, if caught, spend longer in jail than if he robs the knitting shop owned by the little old lady, even if he calls her an old bag in the process. We're sending a message alright, we're saying that some people are valued more highly than others. The fact that the person belongs to a group shouldn't matter. Everyone belongs to some sort of group.

Premeditation matters because it eliminates the excuse of "in the heat of the moment." It's not comparable to this.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It reminds me of eighteenth century peasants getting a night in jail for beating up a scullery maid and a hanging for slapping an aristocrat.

More after the eighteenth century where lots of scullery maids got beaten and discriminated against with impunity someone decided to enact a law with an additional penalty to make it really clear that is was no longer a big deal to beat the scullery maid because she was a scullery maid.

That would be correcting a problem of the eighteenth century, not saying that the scullery maid was worth more. (Although even if it was saying she was worth more there would be part of me that would think it was about time).
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If someone beats an old man or a child to death in circumstances where the helplessness of the victim should be a clear signal that they are not an appropriate target for violence, then yes that's an aggravating factor. If someone plants a car bomb and the victim happens to be an old man passing by, then that doesn't make it any worse than if it were some other passer-by.

Hate crime legislation is I believe far closer to the first case than to the second.
That's why it's a distinct offence rather than an additional penalty at the sentencing stage.

The claim is that, due to widespread prejudice, people from certain groups are already more vulnerable to violence, and that there exists an overall pattern of violence against them, and that these are aggravating factors.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It reminds me of eighteenth century peasants getting a night in jail for beating up a scullery maid and a hanging for slapping an aristocrat.

If it reminded you of people gettting a night in jail for beating up an aristocrat and a hanging for beating up a scullery maid then you'd have a point.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
We're sending a message alright, we're saying that some people are valued more highly than others.

I think this is true. The question is: is this really so objectionable? Is there a problem with saying that certain people are valuable because of their role or function?

Talking about the intrinsic equality of all human beings is all very well, but I'm not sure that in practice society finds all of us equally important to society's continued functioning.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It reminds me of eighteenth century peasants getting a night in jail for beating up a scullery maid and a hanging for slapping an aristocrat.

More after the eighteenth century where lots of scullery maids got beaten and discriminated against with impunity someone decided to enact a law with an additional penalty to make it really clear that is was no longer a big deal to beat the scullery maid because she was a scullery maid.

That would be correcting a problem of the eighteenth century, not saying that the scullery maid was worth more. (Although even if it was saying she was worth more there would be part of me that would think it was about time).

Arresting and charging people appropriately for assaulting someone else should be all that is needed to correct the problem. Years of looking away when thugs beat up gays, for example, could have been corrected by arresting the thugs and charging them with assault, not by giving the perpetrators more time in jail than if they assaulted someone who was not gay.

You don't get rid of prejudice with jail sentences and you certainly don't correct unfairness with unfairness. It's not the job of our criminal courts to create a world free of bigotry by favoring one group over another. It's their job to treat all people equally.

Judges can and should consider many things, including the victims disability or age when sentencing, but there should never be automatically harsher sentencing for harming members of certain groups.

Hate crime laws sends several messages; that you can determine how much hatred a perpetrator has in his heart, that an emotion can be a crime, that hurting some people is worse than hurting others, that we can reduce prejudice with law. I think it's all wrong.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
But there isn't harsher sentencing for injuring certain groups. If I beat up a gay man or a black man, that is not a hate crime.

It's also not a question of looking into people's hearts, since the aggravation associated with hate crime, has to be demonstrated by the prosecution. They do not use clairvoyants for this!

I would have thought that this is rather similar to the difference between manslaughter and murder, where again, the prosecution do not exercise telepathy, but have to bring evidence and arguments as to the motivation behind a killing. For example, the notion of 'malice aforethought' used to be used; I don't know if it still is.

This is surely based on the traditional idea of mens rea, but this has to be demonstrated by the prosecution, and not assumed.

This was very prominent in the Pistorius case, where the judge made the comment that the prosecution could not simply assume that P. knew that his bullets would kill, but had to demonstrate this (currently under review of course).
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This is surely based on the traditional idea of mens rea, but this has to be demonstrated by the prosecution, and not assumed.

Mens rea (mind with the thing) is not so much a traditional idea as one of the foundations of the common law justice system. You can't convict someone of a crime unless you can show that's what they intended (with appropriate modifications to the principle for crimes of negligence).

Oddly, even though states of mind are allegedly subjective and incalculable by the courts, the courts do still manage to prosecute people.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
You don't get rid of prejudice with jail sentences and you certainly don't correct unfairness with unfairness.

Exactly. If someone steals a thousand pounds, you don't correct the unfairness by making the thief give a thousand pounds back.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This is surely based on the traditional idea of mens rea, but this has to be demonstrated by the prosecution, and not assumed.

Mens rea (mind with the thing) is not so much a traditional idea as one of the foundations of the common law justice system. You can't convict someone of a crime unless you can show that's what they intended (with appropriate modifications to the principle for crimes of negligence).

Oddly, even though states of mind are allegedly subjective and incalculable by the courts, the courts do still manage to prosecute people.

They also seem to adduce all kinds of aggravating and mitigating circumstances for some crimes. How on earth do they do all this mind-reading?

And some jurisdictions divide murder and manslaughter and assault into different sub-classes, depending on intent, recklessness, provocation, and so on. It's quite mysterious really, and highly unfair!

When I dropped that 56 pound concrete block on my mate, I was thinking about sex, m'lud.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
quote:
Originally posted by Crœsos:
]It's been remarked that to white folks, race is something other people have. I think the kind of flawed and false analysis Alt Wally puts forward comes from the same general sentiment. It conflates the observation "people of my race/religion/sexual orientation are rarely, if ever, assaulted or murdered because of their race/religion/sexual orientation" with the false notion "therefore this law only applies to these other people".
To take a not entirely at random example, gay bashing still falls under the rubric of hate crime law even if the person bashed was actually straight. What matters is the motives of the perpetrator, not the categorical status of either party.

Hate laws are intended to apply protections to protected classes; i.e. specific categories of the population. The punishments are “enhanced” to further their protection. . . . A further issue is the protected classes are somewhat selective, both in terms of the way hate laws are defined (and they are mostly local, which is counter intuitive to what some have presented here as their intent) and what classes are protected.
That's not the way any hate crime law I'm familiar with is written. Citation, please?

Most hate crime laws specify enhanced penalties for crimes motivated by the victim's race or ethnicity or religious beliefs or sexual orientation or some other type of category that everyone falls under. The only way you can derive "protected classes" is if you assume that certain people don't have a race (usually white folks) or a sexual orientation (usually straight folks) or whatever.

[removed superfluous quoted text]

[ 20. February 2015, 15:52: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It's not the job of our criminal courts to create a world free of bigotry by favoring one group over another.

Imagine if they could though? Get rid of bigotry, I mean. Wouldn't that be great!

[ 20. February 2015, 15:55: Message edited by: mdijon ]
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It's not the job of our criminal courts to create a world free of bigotry by favoring one group over another.

Imagine if they could though? Get rid of bigotry, I mean. Wouldn't that be great!
But this is a misconstrual, anyway, isn't it? The purpose of the courts is to ascertain if crimes have been committed, and then to punish them, (and deter others).

With reference to English law, at any rate, Parliament decides which laws shall be passed, and you could say, has determined that certain crimes are particularly abhorrent (aggravation), and also, that some sentences can be softened because of circumstances (mitigation).

Hence, they are not favouring particular groups, but condemning particular crimes.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Actually, beg pardon, the above is incorrect, as the law does seek to punish prejudice, if it is linked with certain actions. Thus, you can no longer discriminate against racial and religious groups, and various kinds of sexual orientation.

So it's not the prejudice per se, but the injurious expression of it, as with discrimination, and obviously, violence.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Citation, please?
The wiki article on Hate Crime Laws in the United States has a summary of the expansion of hate crime laws beyond the initial broad protections which were put in place with Title 18 (race, national origin, etc.) the Title 18 protections which seemingly everyone falls under, have been augmented with more narrowly defined protected classes. These more narrowly defined protected classes are intended to identify and give legal protections to specific groups or classes of individuals; for instance those with disabilities, military veterans, the homeless, etc. These protections I am fairly certain only pertain to these classes. I don't think it would be considered a hate crime for instance if I hypothetically attacked someone due to a professed hatred of people without disabilities.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I am asking for the justification for hate crime, because I am skeptical hate laws actually have the deterrent effect they are supposed to. If we are going to add extra complication to the legal process, extra punishment for those convicted of crimes, we should do it because it works.

I'm reasonably utilitarian, but I can see other justifications other than "it works". We can, as a society, choose to flag certain aggravating factors as requiring a harsher sentence, just in the same as we have mitigating factors. And we've had to codify what we now term "hate crimes" as aggravating because our legal systems were particularly (and often wilfully) blind to recognising those factors.

A non-contentious example would be punching someone, and punching a police officer.

In your example of the police office however, I think the intention behind enhancing the punishment for the offence would be to prevent further such crimes directed at the police. I don't discount there is a level of moral statement making to this as well in which society says it is reprehensible to harm those on the front lines of keeping society itself safe.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It's not the job of our criminal courts to create a world free of bigotry by favoring one group over another.

Imagine if they could though? Get rid of bigotry, I mean. Wouldn't that be great!
Yes, but I don't think anyone ever became open-minded because of a law against close-mindedness. Law officers can't actually read our minds even if they think they can.

The wording on the Civil Rights Act makes it clear those original laws are to protect access to federally funded schools, jobs and voting booths. That is appropriate as part of the business of the federal government.

Laws giving special protection for children and disabled people also make sense as they are clearly less able to protect themselves.

The later Hate Crimes Act that seeks to add punishment to crimes "motivated," by hatred for people of a certain gender, religion or sexual orientation are the ones that I think go too far. We can't know, and don't need to know, what motivates a criminal. These Hate Crime laws are almost always called for when the sexual orientation is other than heterosexual and the religion is other than Christian. So you end up with a protected class, groups that are favored. I think this, just like any sort of favoritism, creates resentment and fosters, more, not less, bigotry.

Do you think we should have a special civil rights act against greed? Wouldn't it be great if we lived in a world without greed?

I think it's the job of religion and societal pressure to teach these things, not our criminal system.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I don't think anyone ever became open-minded because of a law against close-mindedness. Law officers can't actually read our minds even if they think they can.

But it is fairly well established that thinking and behaviour both influence each other, rather than behaviour just being an outlet for thinking.

If a particular kind of behaviour isn't allowed, then the behaviour can't reinforce the thinking. There's no kind of reward for the thinking. No habit is formed.

As for it being the job of societal pressure not the criminal system, the criminal system IS societal pressure. Why rule out one of society's tools to control behaviour? Do you think that being assaulted with thousands and thousands of tweets is a more humane method?

[ 20. February 2015, 21:23: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Mens rea (mind with the thing) is not so much a traditional idea as one of the foundations of the common law justice system. You can't convict someone of a crime unless you can show that's what they intended (with appropriate modifications to the principle for crimes of negligence).

Sounds like a good principle,

If a particular minority is afraid to go out on the streets at night, I hope we can agree that that is a Bad Thing. And that someone who embarks on a programme of muggings of people who are members of that minority with the intention of bringing about that state of fear would be deserving of a sentence harsher than an "ordinary" mugger. Because by that act they have intentionally threatened a whole lot of people in addition to the physical and psychological harm to the obvious victim.

If a "hate crime" sentence is imposed only when the prosecution has proven beyond reasonable doubt that that element of threat to a whole community was intended, then I don't see a problem with it.

Conversely, applying that tougher sentence to

- the hate-everybody mugger who calls his victim "you black bastard", "you rich bastard", "you limp-wristed bastard", "you fat bastard" etc using whatever adjective fits the case

- the easily-led mugger who deliberately targets victims from a particular minority because he's been told that hurting people is wrong but they don't count

is unjust, because they did not intend that wider threat-crime, even if their action contributed to that sense of threat.

By the above principle.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
A non-contentious example would be punching someone, and punching a police officer.

[Legal pedantry] At least in E&W, the offence/aggravating factor is not assaulting a police constable per se but assaulting a police constable "in the execution of their duty". It is legally no worse to assault a police officer in their private capacity (or who is abusing their office) than it is to assault anyone else. It is only when the officer is acting as such that the law sees a difference.

And, obviously, this is because if a police officer is assaulted while they are doing their job, or because they are doing their job, they are serving the public, acting as the representatives of society as whole to safeguard the rest of us (at least, that's the ideal) and put themselves in harm's way as a result. An attack on a police officer who is acting properly is, in a sense, an attack on society.

As has been pointed out on this thread, an attack on a minority group is also an attack on society - hate crimes tend to fragment and polarise society. They tend to make (for example) black and white people see one another as potential enemies, not members of the same community. There is a social evil inherent in hate crime that is not necessarily present in individualised crime.

I've no problem with hate crimes being seen as more serious. It isn't about one group being more valuable than another - the point is that conflict between different social groups hurts us all, in a way that conflict between personal enemies usually doesn't.

There can be difficulties in identifying hate crimes, as there can be in proving anything in Court, and there needs to be the same principle that the prosecution must prove the 'hate' aspect beyond doubt as it must prove every other element of the offence. I do not think those difficulties are insurmountable.


(responding to you, but not, I think, disagreeing with anything you've said)
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
Conversely, applying that tougher sentence to

- the hate-everybody mugger who calls his victim "you black bastard", "you rich bastard", "you limp-wristed bastard", "you fat bastard" etc using whatever adjective fits the case

is unjust, because they did not intend that wider threat-crime, even if their action contributed to that sense of threat.

Without wishing to derogate from the principle that the prosecution must prove 'hate' beyond reasonable doubt, and therefore accepting that it should be open to the mugger to say that his words were chosen to hurt and humiliate a victim selected on grounds other than race...

...the mugger has, it seems to me, deliberately chosen to portray himself as a racist. He has made a statement that his victim's race is relevant to the attack. It does not seem to me to be the least unjust to treat that a prima facie evidence that the mugger believes what he says. He may not. He's allowed to explain to the Court that those were not his real views. But if he said the words, he's got no one to blame but himself if others believe them.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If a "hate crime" sentence is imposed only when the prosecution has proven beyond reasonable doubt that that element of threat to a whole community was intended, then I don't see a problem with it.

The relevant level of intention here isn't quite so explicit. It's more 'that kind of person doesn't belong in this part of town / oughtn't to hang about with our women / etc'.
Such attitudes, if they are widespread and result in violence, create the threat.

quote:
the easily-led mugger who deliberately targets victims from a particular minority because he's been told that hurting people is wrong but they don't count

is unjust, because they did not intend that wider threat-crime, even if their action contributed to that sense of threat.

I think both cases count for the relevant interpretation of intention. If I attribute a particular intention to somebody I am not attributing a specific conscious plan: I am attributing a disposition that explains behaviour (in the sense of assigns a meaning, rather than in a causal sense).
One doesn't get to argue that one was only intending to do a favour for one's friend by holding the ladder, as opposed to intending to aid in burgling the house.

It seems odd to say that the hate-everybody mugger hates everybody but if he realised he was contributing to a sense of threat would stop.
Your easily-led mugger is certainly aiding and abetting the campaign. (Has he been told that those people don't count, but not that they don't belong round here? If so, he's a rather theoretical example I think). The law I think does not make allowances for being easily led unless that amounts to mental incapacity.

[ 21. February 2015, 00:49: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:


As has been pointed out on this thread, an attack on a minority group is also an attack on society - hate crimes tend to fragment and polarise society. They tend to make (for example) black and white people see one another as potential enemies, not members of the same community.

[/QB]

Doesn't all crime hurt society as a whole? Even something as small as stealing a bicycle from a front yard, can cause people in that neighborhood to become more fearful, less free in their homes, suspicious of their neighbors.

I think hate crime laws fragment society, causing some people to wonder why their lives are worth less than others in the eyes of our courts. How can we see ourselves as members of the same community if the laws are not applied to us all equally?
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Doesn't all crime hurt society as a whole? Even something as small as stealing a bicycle from a front yard, can cause people in that neighborhood to become more fearful, less free in their homes, suspicious of their neighbors.

I think hate crime laws fragment society, causing some people to wonder why their lives are worth less than others in the eyes of our courts. How can we see ourselves as members of the same community if the laws are not applied to us all equally?

I think someone may have been well-intentioned when they wrote the laws. But, yeah.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
Oh I agree, very well intentioned. We all wish we could make up for all the times in the past when courts and police were biased against certain minorities, types and religions. We hate knowing that thugs could beat up gays and police would look the other way or that African Americans couldn't get a fair trail in so many courts. Our anger and/or guilt over the past makes us want to turn things to the other extreme, but unfair is still unfair, and we can't make up for the past by anything we do today. I think the best we can do is simply try to go forward with a goal of fair treatment for everyone.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
What's unfair about a law that says if you're murdered because of your race or sexual orientation the penalties are more severe? The law protects people of all races and sexual orientations from that sort of intentional violence.

As for judging intentions, would you wish the penalties to be the same for accidental manslaughter and premeditated murder?
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Our anger and/or guilt over the past makes us want to turn things to the other extreme

It isn't the other extreme though. The other extreme would be to have a majority-black police force and justice system ignoring the racial targeting of white people for beatings and harassment.

There is no equivalence between legislating to respond against hate crime and hate crime itself.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
By the way the unfairness aspect of this only stands a chance of working if there is something unfair about banning prejudice.

Banning prejudice benefits everybody - unless there are some groups that experience a lot of prejudice and other groups that don't experience so much.

I remember a case in a UK government agency where a straight woman successfully sued her employer for harassment based on her sexual orientation. Her office was majority gay and lesbian and apparently she was often referred to as "the breeder" in a less-than-friendly-banter sort of way.

(This isn't under anti-hate crime legislation but its the closest example I could think of. I doubt many straight people are beaten up for being straight - hence they don't benefit much from the hate legislation. But, well, that's good for them isn't it?).
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:

Banning prejudice benefits everybody - unless there are some groups that experience a lot of prejudice and other groups that don't experience so much.

People want to hit a reset switch and then forget about it. But righting wrongs is more than that. It is fixing the damage done. And that is not so simple.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
We're sending a message alright, we're saying that some people are valued more highly than others.

I think this is true. The question is: is this really so objectionable? Is there a problem with saying that certain people are valuable because of their role or function?

Talking about the intrinsic equality of all human beings is all very well, but I'm not sure that in practice society finds all of us equally important to society's continued functioning.

I am sure you didn't intend it, but there is a very unpleasant eugenicist smell to this post.

Of course "society" in one sense sees a skilled surgeon as more "valuable", because of their "role or function" than the mentally sub-normal resident of a care facility, but in a decent society that should not make an iota of difference in assessing the seriousness of the murder of either of them, because of their common humanity.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
I am sure you didn't intend it, but there is a very unpleasant eugenicist smell to this post.

I fail to see how it can involve eugenics when I talked about skills and professions, not race, gender or anything else that is inherent to an individual.

I've encountered people who seem to think that jobs are something you inherit, but that's certainly not my view.

[ 21. February 2015, 06:17: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Fair treatment for everyone sounds fine at first, but it could have startling consequences. For example, notions of aggravation and mitigation would be removed from law - thus, the woman who kills a violent husband would simply be tried for murder, with no mitigation. That would be unfair.

Even some rape cases might fall, as you could no longer adduce the state of mind of either party. Crimes of violence presumably would no longer be considered in relation to intent, recklessness, provocation, sadism, the vulnerability of the victim, the disability of the victim, and so on. That would be unfair.

It seems to me, you don't end up with a fair world, but a bizarre behaviourist nightmare, where only actions can be judged, and not intentions.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Say goodbye to terrorist offences as well, although in some cases that may not be such a bad thing.

But this kind of logic ends up with the conclusion that there's no difference between killing the neighbour you're having a dispute with and assassinating a President. Both involve a death. Even though the effects on the wider community are very different.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Even murder itself would disappear, since this involves looking into the mind of the accused - impermissible now, since all killings are equal.

In fact, I'm not sure that the notion of crime itself would survive, since this involves the notion of mens rea - the intending mind, or often translated as the guilty mind.

But it's unfair to punish people for their state of mind, so what on earth is a crime now? Just another event, all equal before the law.

O Brave New World!

('Mens rea refers to the mental element of the offence which accompanies the actus rea'). (Wiki)

[ 21. February 2015, 09:11: Message edited by: quetzalcoatl ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I think the best we can do is simply try to go forward with a goal of fair treatment for everyone.

Well that's nice. Are we going to punish people for not treating other people fairly?

If redheads are in a position to treat blondes unfairly more often that the reverse, then redheads will be punished for not treating blondes fairly more often that the reverse. So punishing people would be unfair.
Let's just all forget it ever happened everytime it happens.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Another interesting point, that trials often refer to what a reasonable person might be expected to assume or know. Thus, in English law, in rape cases, the defendant is able to argue that it was reasonable for him to assume that the woman was consenting. For example, in a recent case, a video showed the woman arriving in a taxi with the defendant at his hotel, and going up to his room, in the middle of the night. The jury accepted that it was reasonable for him to assume that she was up for sex.

But if we cannot adduce states of mind, all of this must fall by the wayside, mustn't it? The defendant cannot argue that it was reasonable for him to think something, and the woman cannot argue that she didn't want to have sex. These are all states of mind - now banned in the new paradise of equal opportunity!
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Even murder itself would disappear, since this involves looking into the mind of the accused - impermissible now, since all killings are equal.

In fact, I'm not sure that the notion of crime itself would survive, since this involves the notion of mens rea - the intending mind, or often translated as the guilty mind.

Well, the vast majority of crimes do, yes. There are offences that in our system are known as 'strict liability' and 'absolute liability', which don't require state of mind in the same way, but strict liability is fairly uncommon and absolute liability is as rare as hen's teeth.

Your basic point is sound, though: almost all crimes are defined to require elements of intention. They don't just look at actual outcomes, and some of the argument on this thread does indeed seem to insist that only the outcome matters.

And when you put it like that, it's rather hard to find a principle that would explain why looking at "I intended to kill" is okay, but looking at "I intended to kill because..." is supposed to be impermissible and we mustn't distinguish between different reasons for killing.

And indeed, if you go down the path of saying "all that matters is someone is dead", you end up convicting people in situations where the death arose from self-defence or a complete accident.

[ 21. February 2015, 09:52: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
The progressive journal The Nation has an interesting article from about a year and a half ago with the topic Hate crime laws don't prevent violence against LGBT people. The article states at the time research about the effectiveness of hate crime laws as a deterrent is thin; so there is no particular evidence they do or do not work in that regard. It notes as with traditional arguments for capital punishment, much support rests on a "common sense" assumption more severe penalties will deter some criminal actions.

This part is interesting

Liberals’ support for hate crime laws is not universal, however. There are progressive LGBT groups, such as Queers for Economic Justice and the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, that do not support them. There are two main reasons for this opposition. The first is that the laws are disproportionately used against poor people and people of color. The second is that they simply try to fix the problem of bias crime by putting people in prison for longer periods of time, which usually leads to more-hardened criminals. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has long objected to many hate crime laws because they are predicated on punishing not only action, such as assault, but on punishing constitutionally protected free speech. The ACLU is concerned that hate crime laws criminalize thoughts, arguing that it should not be a crime to think or articulate hurtful statements. Hurting someone’s feelings may be offensive, even emotionally painful, but it shouldn’t be against the law.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Our anger and/or guilt over the past makes us want to turn things to the other extreme

It isn't the other extreme though. The other extreme would be to have a majority-black police force and justice system ignoring the racial targeting of white people for beatings and harassment.

We're talking about penalties for crimes here, not racial profiling or hiring practices in police forces. How did that even come up?
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
I am sure you didn't intend it, but there is a very unpleasant eugenicist smell to this post.

I fail to see how it can involve eugenics when I talked about skills and professions, not race, gender or anything else that is inherent to an individual.


Orfeo, I'm not talking about laws that protect police officers on duty, to me that's a whole different subject.

I'm talking about laws that add extra penalties to assault charges based on who the victim is.

I can see that in obvious cases of defenseless victims like children and disabled people but I think it's gone too far, and too hard to determine, when we add to the charges based on the color or sexual orientation or religion of the victim. It makes it a worse offense to beat up a strong young African American than to beat up an old white woman. It means trying to determine if the mugger "hated," the victim or just wanted his money. It gets into areas where I don't think our courts need to go. It's already a crime to beat someone, anyone, up.

[ 21. February 2015, 12:50: Message edited by: Twilight ]
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I think the best we can do is simply try to go forward with a goal of fair treatment for everyone.

Well that's nice. Are we going to punish people for not treating other people fairly?

If redheads are in a position to treat blondes unfairly more often that the reverse, then redheads will be punished for not treating blondes fairly more often that the reverse. So punishing people would be unfair.
Let's just all forget it ever happened everytime it happens.

We're talking about courts of law here. We're talking about crimes.

To use your examples, hate crimes would add years of punishment to someone who raped a blonde if he said he hated blondes in the process. I want courts to punish all rapists equally whether or not they hate their victims or think they love them and whether or not they are redheads or blondes. Same crime, same punishment.

Is that too "nice," for you or do you prefer we try for a huge discrepancy between individual sentences for the same crime, depending on whether the victim is a redhead or a blonde?

You know, blondes were favored by our society for quite some time, there was even a movie title based on the assumption that gentlemen preferred them. It was very unfair. Maybe we should try to send a message that we won't put up with this bias any longer and allow greater leniency toward rapists who attack blondes while adding a harsher sentence to the ones who attack brunettes and redheads. Good idea?
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
The progressive journal The Nation has an interesting article from about a year and a half ago with the topic Hate crime laws don't prevent violence against LGBT people. The article states at the time research about the effectiveness of hate crime laws as a deterrent is thin; so there is no particular evidence they do or do not work in that regard. It notes as with traditional arguments for capital punishment, much support rests on a "common sense" assumption more severe penalties will deter some criminal actions.

This part is interesting

Liberals’ support for hate crime laws is not universal, however. There are progressive LGBT groups, such as Queers for Economic Justice and the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, that do not support them. There are two main reasons for this opposition. The first is that the laws are disproportionately used against poor people and people of color. The second is that they simply try to fix the problem of bias crime by putting people in prison for longer periods of time, which usually leads to more-hardened criminals. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has long objected to many hate crime laws because they are predicated on punishing not only action, such as assault, but on punishing constitutionally protected free speech. The ACLU is concerned that hate crime laws criminalize thoughts, arguing that it should not be a crime to think or articulate hurtful statements. Hurting someone’s feelings may be offensive, even emotionally painful, but it shouldn’t be against the law.

Yes!
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
The progressive journal The Nation has an interesting article from about a year and a half ago with the topic Hate crime laws don't prevent violence against LGBT people. The article states at the time research about the effectiveness of hate crime laws as a deterrent is thin; so there is no particular evidence they do or do not work in that regard. It notes as with traditional arguments for capital punishment, much support rests on a "common sense" assumption more severe penalties will deter some criminal actions.

This part is interesting

Liberals’ support for hate crime laws is not universal, however. There are progressive LGBT groups, such as Queers for Economic Justice and the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, that do not support them. There are two main reasons for this opposition. The first is that the laws are disproportionately used against poor people and people of color. The second is that they simply try to fix the problem of bias crime by putting people in prison for longer periods of time, which usually leads to more-hardened criminals. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has long objected to many hate crime laws because they are predicated on punishing not only action, such as assault, but on punishing constitutionally protected free speech. The ACLU is concerned that hate crime laws criminalize thoughts, arguing that it should not be a crime to think or articulate hurtful statements. Hurting someone’s feelings may be offensive, even emotionally painful, but it shouldn’t be against the law.

Yes!
No. The article is fairly sloppy in its reasoning, conflates different issues and is plain wrong on others. Having the discussion is valid, but the author fails on several points.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
There are two main reasons for this opposition. The first is that the laws are disproportionately used against poor people and people of color. The second is that they simply try to fix the problem of bias crime by putting people in prison for longer periods of time, which usually leads to more-hardened criminals. ....

On which basis we would get rid of murder charges. These are disproportionately used on the same groups and the difference between murder and manslaughter simply results in longer prison sentences which is apparently counter-productive.

quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
The ACLU is concerned that hate crime laws criminalize thoughts

Has anyone anywhere in the US been prosecuted for thoughts without actions?

[code]

[ 21. February 2015, 17:40: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
Do you define speech as an action? Speech that is not necessarily directed at anyone in particular (a facebook post referring to someone you aren't friends with, a blog post, etc.)?
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Thus, in English law, in rape cases, the defendant is able to argue that it was reasonable for him to assume that the woman was consenting. For example, in a recent case, a video showed the woman arriving in a taxi with the defendant at his hotel, and going up to his room, in the middle of the night. The jury accepted that it was reasonable for him to assume that she was up for sex.

As a tangent, it was reasonable for him to assume that she was open to the possibility at the point at which she went up to the room with him. The point at which it becomes legally and morally relevant, however, is when the man is engaged in the sexual act.
Of course there are ways that a man might work out whether a woman wants to have sex during the actual act. If she's lying there rigid and not responding he might want to check that she's ok with what he's doing before he continues. If she's saying 'go on', wrapping her legs around him and digging her nails in his back the man is probably justified in assuming she's consenting.

It appears there are a lot of young men who ignore these subtle clues, which can only ever be inferential, and instead rely on mind reading which is the only truly accurate way of telling that a woman doesn't really consent.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I think the best we can do is simply try to go forward with a goal of fair treatment for everyone.

Well that's nice. Are we going to punish people for not treating other people fairly?

If redheads are in a position to treat blondes unfairly more often that the reverse, then redheads will be punished for not treating blondes fairly more often that the reverse. So punishing people would be unfair.
Let's just all forget it ever happened everytime it happens.

We're talking about courts of law here. We're talking about crimes.
Yes. We are. We are not saying we can't make the crime unhappen; let's just go forward resolving not to commit any crimes any more.

quote:
To use your examples, hate crimes would add years of punishment to someone who raped a blonde if he said he hated blondes in the process. I want courts to punish all rapists equally whether or not they hate their victims or think they love them and whether or not they are redheads or blondes. Same crime, same punishment.
You're not actually referring to my example, since you're not making any reference to systematic discrimination against blondes.

You are presupposing that the crime is the same regardless of who does it to whom. Where there si systematic discrimination, you do not have the same crime.

quote:
Maybe we should try to send a message that we won't put up with this bias any longer and allow greater leniency toward rapists who attack blondes while adding a harsher sentence to the ones who attack brunettes and redheads. Good idea?
This is not about allowing greater leniency. It is not about whether any group was favoured or disfavoured in the past. It is about whether there is any systematic intimidation of any group in the present.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Doesn't all crime hurt society as a whole? Even something as small as stealing a bicycle from a front yard, can cause people in that neighborhood to become more fearful, less free in their homes, suspicious of their neighbors.

Well, no. Not in the same way.

If I steal your bicycle because I reckon it'll fetch a few quid, then yes, you may well feel hurt, less confident in the goodwill of others, more fearful, and of course that is very harmful. It's why stealing is against the law.

But suppose I steal your bicycle to send a message - 'people like you' aren't welcome here, don't merit any consideration or respect, deserve nothing better than the contempt of the rest of us, that would be worse. It's an attack on your identity which is going to cause you fear and discomfort every day, of a sort that can't be alleviated by buying a stronger D-lock for your next ride. It may make 'people like you' not just resentful of thieves in general, but hostile to 'people like me', especially if many of your interactions with 'us' involve 'us' treating 'you' as our enemies.

Plus you've also had your bike nicked, so you get all the grief that accompanies the theft as well.


I'm all for the law treating everyone equally - but if victimising someone because of their group identity is both more blameworthy and more hurtful than randomised petty crime, then the principle of treating people equally isn't violated by treating the worse offence more seriously.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
But suppose I steal your bicycle to send a message - 'people like you' aren't welcome here, don't merit any consideration or respect, deserve nothing better than the contempt of the rest of us, that would be worse. It's an attack on your identity which is going to cause you fear and discomfort every day, of a sort that can't be alleviated by buying a stronger D-lock for your next ride. It may make 'people like you' not just resentful of thieves in general, but hostile to 'people like me', especially if many of your interactions with 'us' involve 'us' treating 'you' as our enemies.

As much as I can agree with this in theory, my problem with these laws is how anyone determines that you were trying to send a message.

Apart from a confession from you, or a confession from one of your co-defendants (yeah, Eliab said he wanted to make sure he knew his kind wasn't welcome here), this just seems tricky to me.

In a bar fight where both participants have called each other every nasty name they know whether or not it applies (and both have an equal opportunity to let it go and walk away), I don't think punishing one participant more than the other because one of them belongs to a protected class is acceptable.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
On which basis we would get rid of murder charges. These are disproportionately used on the same groups and the difference between murder and manslaughter simply results in longer prison sentences which is apparently counter-productive.

One of the arguments against capital punishment is that it unfairly targets minorities in its application. Do you consider that argument without merit? Would your expectation be that if captial punishment is ended as a practice due to this concern that we would be without basis to prosecute anyone for murder?

quote:
Has anyone anywhere in the US been prosecuted for thoughts without actions?
Consider the case of Matthew Lyon or Eugene V. Debs in relation to the Sedition Act of 1918. Sedition and espionage acts have raised particularly contentious arguments over first amendment rights. I don't know if these are the examples the ACLU has in mind vis-a-vis the Nation article. There are probably other ones I am not immediately calling to mind.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
I am sure you didn't intend it, but there is a very unpleasant eugenicist smell to this post.

I fail to see how it can involve eugenics when I talked about skills and professions, not race, gender or anything else that is inherent to an individual.


Orfeo, I'm not talking about laws that protect police officers on duty, to me that's a whole different subject.

I'm talking about laws that add extra penalties to assault charges based on who the victim is.

I can see that in obvious cases of defenseless victims like children and disabled people but I think it's gone too far, and too hard to determine, when we add to the charges based on the color or sexual orientation or religion of the victim. It makes it a worse offense to beat up a strong young African American than to beat up an old white woman. It means trying to determine if the mugger "hated," the victim or just wanted his money. It gets into areas where I don't think our courts need to go. It's already a crime to beat someone, anyone, up.

Hang on. Who says it makes it a worse offense to beat up a strong young African American than to be up an old white woman?

Hate crimes say "this is a factor". They do not say "this factor trumps every other factor".

What they say that is that's it a worse crime to beat up a strong young African American because he's a young African American than to just be up any strong young person. They also say that it's a worse crime to beat up an old woman because of her race than to beat up any old woman.

But nowhere does any such law say "now, please ignore anything else about the nature of the victim or the circumstances of the crime". None of these laws, as far as I'm aware, set a blanket sentence that dictates that attacking a person on racial grounds will always get you a heavier sentence than preying upon an individual weak and vulnerable victim.

You just cannot pick 2 people who vary in a whole lot of ways, not just race, and make the assertion you're making. Not only that, but you're forgetting that even the race factor is relevant if a racial motivation for the attack is established.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
But suppose I steal your bicycle to send a message - 'people like you' aren't welcome here, don't merit any consideration or respect, deserve nothing better than the contempt of the rest of us, that would be worse. It's an attack on your identity which is going to cause you fear and discomfort every day, of a sort that can't be alleviated by buying a stronger D-lock for your next ride. It may make 'people like you' not just resentful of thieves in general, but hostile to 'people like me', especially if many of your interactions with 'us' involve 'us' treating 'you' as our enemies.

As much as I can agree with this in theory, my problem with these laws is how anyone determines that you were trying to send a message.

Apart from a confession from you, or a confession from one of your co-defendants (yeah, Eliab said he wanted to make sure he knew his kind wasn't welcome here), this just seems tricky to me.

How do you determine intent to kill on a murder charge, apart from a confession?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I want courts to punish all rapists equally whether or not they hate their victims or think they love them and whether or not they are redheads or blondes. Same crime, same punishment.

You really think it's the "same crime" whether you loved someone and so had loving, but twisted, intentions towards them, or you hated them and wanted them to suffer?

No. Just, no. Again, you're completely throwing out crucial parts of mental state. Crimes are NOT merely acts. Otherwise, how the hell do you distinguish rape from consensual sex in the first place?

You seem to be quite seriously arguing for mandatory sentencing laws, without any discretion. Time and again it's been shown that mandatory sentencing creates ridiculous injustice because you get cases where people meet all the technical requirements of a conviction but everyone can see that the moral culpability is not as great as another example of the same offence.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
As much as I can agree with this in theory, my problem with these laws is how anyone determines that you were trying to send a message.

Apart from a confession from you, or a confession from one of your co-defendants (yeah, Eliab said he wanted to make sure he knew his kind wasn't welcome here), this just seems tricky to me.

How do you determine intent to kill on a murder charge, apart from a confession?
ISTM that people are likely to leave more clear evidence of intent to take a certain specific action rather than have a vague emotion or mindset.

[ 21. February 2015, 22:30: Message edited by: saysay ]
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
You seem to be quite seriously arguing for mandatory sentencing laws, without any discretion. Time and again it's been shown that mandatory sentencing creates ridiculous injustice because you get cases where people meet all the technical requirements of a conviction but everyone can see that the moral culpability is not as great as another example of the same offence.

I agree with you on this point. But this seems like a reason for having the level of hate involved treated as an aggravating factor rather than as defining a more serious crime (with a higher minimum sentence which may not be appropriate for those who qualify under a technicality).

The hypothetical hate-everybody mugger isn't attacking a differently-coloured victim out of a racial motive, but it might sound like he is if you take his words to his different-colour victim out of the context of the words he says to all his same-colour victims.

The hypothetical easily-led mugger is choosing his victim out of a racial motive but doesn't feel (or desire to stir up) any level of inter-racial hate.

Discretion is required to distinguish these from the real proponents of inter-racial strife.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
I agree with Russ. I'm not for mandatory sentencing and I believe all sorts of factors should be considered by the judge at the time of sentencing. Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I agree with Russ. I'm not for mandatory sentencing and I believe all sorts of factors should be considered by the judge at the time of sentencing. Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.

Except that's not how it works.

You have to prove the racially-aggravated (or whatever) element to the crime to the same level of proof as you do the crime. So it's not "right off the bat".
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
Except that's not how it works.

You have to prove the racially-aggravated (or whatever) element to the crime to the same level of proof as you do the crime. So it's not "right off the bat".

Realistically how it works in the US is that if the victim is in a protected class that the offender is not a part of, a hate crime charge gets added, and the crime and sentence someone's public defense attorney plead them down to is greater than it otherwise would have been (see Nation article linked to upthread).
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
You seem to be quite seriously arguing for mandatory sentencing laws, without any discretion. Time and again it's been shown that mandatory sentencing creates ridiculous injustice because you get cases where people meet all the technical requirements of a conviction but everyone can see that the moral culpability is not as great as another example of the same offence.

I agree with you on this point. But this seems like a reason for having the level of hate involved treated as an aggravating factor rather than as defining a more serious crime (with a higher minimum sentence which may not be appropriate for those who qualify under a technicality).

The hypothetical hate-everybody mugger isn't attacking a differently-coloured victim out of a racial motive, but it might sound like he is if you take his words to his different-colour victim out of the context of the words he says to all his same-colour victims.

The hypothetical easily-led mugger is choosing his victim out of a racial motive but doesn't feel (or desire to stir up) any level of inter-racial hate.

Discretion is required to distinguish these from the real proponents of inter-racial strife.

Best wishes,

Russ

First of all, setting minimum sentences is rare, at least from my knowledge. What usually happens is that a higher maximum is set.

Secondly, it's also not usual to remove discretion in sentencing.

Thirdly, I've already pointed out that basically all that most aggravated crimes involve is Parliament declaring which factors are to be taken into account instead of the common law declaring it over the centuries. I'm not sure I understand why you would think it's okay for judges to gradually come up with a set of principles and then apply them in individual cases, rather than Parliament coming up with principles and asking judges to apply them in individual cases.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I agree with Russ. I'm not for mandatory sentencing and I believe all sorts of factors should be considered by the judge at the time of sentencing. Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.

And I'd say the same to you as I did to Russ: I just don't understand why you think that hate crimes stop judges from considering all the other factors involved in a case. All that hate crimes usually do is tell judges ONE factor they are to take into account, if proven.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I agree with Russ. I'm not for mandatory sentencing and I believe all sorts of factors should be considered by the judge at the time of sentencing. Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.

Except that's not how it works.

You have to prove the racially-aggravated (or whatever) element to the crime to the same level of proof as you do the crime. So it's not "right off the bat".

These laws are so commonly misrepresented, that it makes me think that the opposition to them is not legal, but political. I recall that when the Bills were going through Parliament, it was mainly right-wingers and some Christians who opposed them. Not sure about the US, but I think it's Republicans and right-wing Christians who are agin.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I recall that when the Bills were going through Parliament, it was mainly right-wingers and some Christians who opposed them. Not sure about the US, but I think it's Republicans and right-wing Christians who are agin.

(See link upthread if you'd like). There certainly are a lot of Christians and right-wing Christians against the laws in the US. But there are also a lot of liberals concerned with the fact that the laws (as with most laws) are disproportionately applied towards the poor and minorities. And the ACLU is concerned with the effect on free speech.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
It is curious to see there appear to be "Law and Order" liberals when it comes to hate crimes.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
On the disproportionate application, are they saying that these laws are applied MORE disproportionately than the criminal laws in general?

Because my first reaction was "well, how is that different from all the other laws that are applied disproportionately?"

Or are they saying that the extra laws just add to the harm already being done?

[ 22. February 2015, 01:54: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
I think it's more that they add to the harm already being done without providing any sort of benefit or deterrent effect.

It's a bit like the support/ objection to the Californian 'yes means yes' law. Most people recognize that it's not going to do any good, and it may have a number of negative unintended consequences, and yet a lot of people support it anyway while acknowledging these facts.

It just winds up being baffling.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
It is curious to see there appear to be "Law and Order" liberals when it comes to hate crimes.

On the assumption I might be one of the people this might be directed at (although I'm not all that 'liberal'), it has to do with there being a critical difference between "people are all the same" and "people are all in the same position".

People who are in favour of formally equal laws are often ignoring that formal equality does not achieve equal outcomes.

This image does have a very simplistic model, but its basic principle is sound.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by saysay:
I think it's more that they add to the harm already being done without providing any sort of benefit or deterrent effect.

It's a bit like the support/ objection to the Californian 'yes means yes' law. Most people recognize that it's not going to do any good, and it may have a number of negative unintended consequences, and yet a lot of people support it anyway while acknowledging these facts.

It just winds up being baffling.

Okay, thanks. Well following on from the last post I just made, I'd agree that if a law of this kind isn't helping in practice then it's probably not a good law to have on the books.

I think that's one thing that tends to be missing from the legal system and the law-making process: a decent feedback loop to see if laws are actually achieving what they were meant to achieve. I know that in my own job I don't often get to hear whether something I drafted worked or not.

I don't really know enough about the 'yes means yes' to comment.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
On the assumption I might be one of the people this might be directed at (although I'm not all that 'liberal'), it has to do with there being a critical difference between "people are all the same" and "people are all in the same position".

My comment was not, nor did I intend to use liberal in a pejorative sense. My comment was more about the Nation article. There has been a narrative in politics that the Republicans are the "Law and Order" party (get tough on crime, throw the book at em', etc.) and the Democrats are soft on crime, always looking to make excuses for criminals, etc. The Willie Horton affair being a notorious manifestation of this.

In regards to hate crimes, it seems this same dialectic is playing out, but within the left side of the political spectrum. I would assume the soft on hate crime element is concerned about appearing to be in league with the Devil, as many conservative opponents undoubtedly oppose hate crime laws out of motivations such as a visceral hatred of Homosexuals.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
I am sure you didn't intend it, but there is a very unpleasant eugenicist smell to this post.

I fail to see how it can involve eugenics when I talked about skills and professions, not race, gender or anything else that is inherent to an individual.

I've encountered people who seem to think that jobs are something you inherit, but that's certainly not my view.

Usefulness, not skills or professions, is the pertinent issue.

The point about surgeons is that they are intelligent people, and would almost certainly contribute to society whatever profession they took up, whereas someone with a grossly subnormal IQ is probably, in economic terms, a drain on society, particularly if they reproduce.

However the former's usefulness and the latter's lack thereof are not relevant to the question of the seriousness of killing either of them.

[ 22. February 2015, 03:29: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Usefulness, not skills or professions, is the pertinent issue.

It might be your pertinent issue, but you're projecting that into what I actually said.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
many conservative opponents undoubtedly oppose hate crime laws out of motivations such as a visceral hatred of Homosexuals.

It would be unfortunate if the thread were to descend to the ad hominem depths of dog-whistles or explicit statements to the effect that “opposition to hate laws is motivated by homophobia”.

Without wishing to proceed any further into DH territory, let me just say that I maintain doubts about the validity of the idea of “hate crime”, but that I do not hate homosexuals, viscerally or otherwise.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
Although as was shown upthread your doubts about hate crimes actually generalize to doubts regarding differential sentences for killing policeman executing their duty, sentencing based on motive, differentiating between murder and manslaughter and other widely accepted aspects of many Western justice systems.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
On which basis we would get rid of murder charges. These are disproportionately used on the same groups and the difference between murder and manslaughter simply results in longer prison sentences which is apparently counter-productive.

quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
One of the arguments against capital punishment is that it unfairly targets minorities in its application. Do you consider that argument without merit?

Yes I do. That's an argument for reforming the policing and justice system, not for doing away with capital punishment. I happen to be against capital punishment for other reasons, but I wouldn't want to leap to spurious arguments in support because...

quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
Would your expectation be that if captial punishment is ended as a practice due to this concern that we would be without basis to prosecute anyone for murder?

Exactly. If you say any penalty that is applied unfairly to minority groups needs to be got rid of you will run out of a basis for a justice system.

quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
Has anyone anywhere in the US been prosecuted for thoughts without actions?

quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
Consider the case of Matthew Lyon or Eugene V. Debs in relation to the Sedition Act of 1918. Sedition and espionage acts have raised particularly contentious arguments over first amendment rights. I don't know if these are the examples the ACLU has in mind vis-a-vis the Nation article. There are probably other ones I am not immediately calling to mind.

An 1801 case? It sounds like we're pretty safe from being accused of thought crimes in the modern age then. And I'm not sure where hate crimes come in this.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
setting minimum sentences is rare, at least from my knowledge. What usually happens is that a higher maximum is set.

Secondly, it's also not usual to remove discretion in sentencing.

Thirdly, I've already pointed out that basically all that most aggravated crimes involve is Parliament declaring which factors are to be taken into account instead of the common law declaring it over the centuries.

You asked whether I was making a distinction without a difference. And then set out the basis for an answer... [Smile]

If a "hate crime" law
- doesn't reduce the discretion available to the judge
- deals with more serious instances of existing crimes rather than creating a new crime (thus maintaining the principle of equality under the law)
- represents the consensus of Parliament, including the Law Lords, on what is just (rather than being a political move by the governing party, forced through on the party whip system)

Then yes there seems little or no real difference, in the UK justice system, between that and recognition of hate-motivation as an aggravating factor when justice is being dispensed.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I agree with Russ. I'm not for mandatory sentencing and I believe all sorts of factors should be considered by the judge at the time of sentencing. Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.

Except that's not how it works.

You have to prove the racially-aggravated (or whatever) element to the crime to the same level of proof as you do the crime. So it's not "right off the bat".

These laws are so commonly misrepresented, that it makes me think that the opposition to them is not legal, but political. I recall that when the Bills were going through Parliament, it was mainly right-wingers and some Christians who opposed them. Not sure about the US, but I think it's Republicans and right-wing Christians who are agin.
Is that how you decide how to feel about an issue? Check to see which side your political party is backing? I think that's the case with a lot of people and to me it explains some things that seem otherwise, as Orfeo would say, baffling.

In the case of hate crimes I think many people believe that to be against them is to be a racist or homophobe. That's why anyone who tries to point out the basic inequality of the law gets hit with the, "Yeah, but we want to send a message that ____ won't be tolerated." Putting the opposition in the position of seeming to be in favor of _____. Which is bogus.
 
Posted by Alt Wally (# 3245) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Without wishing to proceed any further into DH territory, let me just say that I maintain doubts about the validity of the idea of “hate crime”, but that I do not hate homosexuals, viscerally or otherwise.

That was not an accusation I was making at any one here. I think the unfortunate reality is that hate crime legislation finds some of its strongest opposition in this country because of the culture wars over sexuality. I can understand the desire of people not to be associated with people who base their opposition on this. I think my position is as above. I do not oppose hate crime laws, I am simply skeptical they achieve the ends they purport to.

quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
An 1801 case? It sounds like we're pretty safe from being accused of thought crimes in the modern age then. And I'm not sure where hate crimes come in this.

Your question was

quote:
Has anyone anywhere in the US been prosecuted for thoughts without actions?

The answer to your question was yes. Not only in the early 19th century sedition laws, but in the 20th century as well. The 20th century instances are particularly troubling since the power of the law was used to stifle dissent against armed conflict and imprison people who we would now describe as conscientious objectors. That is not the distant past.

Keep in mind your question was raised in response to a quote about the ACLU having concerns about first amendment rights as published in a prominent Left oriented journal. I don't know what exact instances in regards to hate crimes that concern may be about, but I certainly understand the general concern.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
That's why anyone who tries to point out the basic inequality of the law gets hit with the, "Yeah, but we want to send a message that ____ won't be tolerated." Putting the opposition in the position of seeming to be in favor of _____. Which is bogus.

What you seem to be missing is that the law was unequal. It's because we left it to police officers (who have the option to arrest or not, to over-egg statements or not, choose who to interview as witnesses - or not), prosecutors (who have the option to lay higher or lower charges, accept pleas, call witnesses, cross-examine witnesses), judges (who can abandon cases, direct the jury, allow witnesses testimony or strike it from the record), and juries (all-white juries trying black people, anyone?) that tighter legislation was required.

If you don't get that, you won't get the point of hate crimes legislation.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Twilight wrote:

Is that how you decide how to feel about an issue? Check to see which side your political party is backing? I think that's the case with a lot of people and to me it explains some things that seem otherwise, as Orfeo would say, baffling.

In the case of hate crimes I think many people believe that to be against them is to be a racist or homophobe. That's why anyone who tries to point out the basic inequality of the law gets hit with the, "Yeah, but we want to send a message that ____ won't be tolerated." Putting the opposition in the position of seeming to be in favor of _____. Which is bogus.


Well, this is itself a misrepresentation of what I wrote!

I just noticed a variety of caricatures of hate crime laws on this thread, and I remembered that when the Bills went through Parliament in London, similar distortions were expressed by right-wing politicians, media, and also some Christians.

We have seen on this thread terms such as 'thought crime', 'looking into men's hearts', which show a fundamental misunderstanding, not only of these laws, but of criminal law in general.

I can't think of another reason why laws would be caricatured in this manner, except for political opposition? What other reason could there be?
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
That's why anyone who tries to point out the basic inequality of the law gets hit with the, "Yeah, but we want to send a message that ____ won't be tolerated." Putting the opposition in the position of seeming to be in favor of _____. Which is bogus.

What you seem to be missing is that the law was unequal. It's because we left it to police officers (who have the option to arrest or not, to over-egg statements or not, choose who to interview as witnesses - or not), prosecutors (who have the option to lay higher or lower charges, accept pleas, call witnesses, cross-examine witnesses), judges (who can abandon cases, direct the jury, allow witnesses testimony or strike it from the record), and juries (all-white juries trying black people, anyone?) that tighter legislation was required.

If you don't get that, you won't get the point of hate crimes legislation.

The law was unequal? Police, judges and attorneys were legally required to be harsher on minorities, to overlook crimes against gays and strike any witness testimony that might benefit the minority groups? I don't think so. I think some of those people are biased and that many of those things might have happened but that was never the law, so making additional laws was not the way to correct the inequality in the court room.

I don't think laws are going to change those people at all and, as Russ's statistics show, trying to legislate tolerance might back fire. I think one of the early episodes of Glee, where the macho father suddenly understood and fully accepted his gay son, probably did more to promote tolerance in America than all the hate crime laws. That's where I think societal change really happens, through art, peer pressure, social awareness, etc. I just don't think it's the business of our legislature.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Yes, the law was unequal. Any attempt to divide the legislation from the people applying it is doomed to failure.

Over here in the UK, we have a major political row over tax avoidance by very large corporations and wealthy individuals. The revenue collectors have been hounding people over some very modest sums and dragging them to court, while giving the wealthy 'sweetheart' deals to pay back some of the tax they owe in return for avoiding litigation.

That the law can be unequally applied in this fashion is a fault of the law as well as the law-enforcers.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Hate Crimes add in extra jail time right off the bat, based solely on who the victim is and whether or not the prosecutor thinks the perpetrator was biased against that group. It gives less discretion to the judge, not more.

As someone who occasionally sees the inside of a criminal court (once or twice a year, perhaps), that's not how it works in E&W.

Two examples of victim-specific offences I have seen first hand:

1) A fight between two groups of kids, organised primarily on geographical rather than racial lines, with one (exclusively white) group ambushing a second (mainly but not exclusively black) group in revenge for a fight they'd lost a few weeks previously. The trash-talking that preceded fists and boots going in included the words "fucking" "cunt" and "nigger" in roughly equal proportions.

The judge didn't allow any race-specific crime to go to the jury and ignored the racial aspect in sentencing. He decided that the facts being alleged by the prosecution could (if true) be adequately explained by personal hostility on the part of the accused, and therefore no jury properly discharging its function could find 'beyond reasonable doubt' that the attack was racially motivated. The judge was not in the least sympathetic to the defendants - he made it clear that he thought the attack was utterly reprehensible - but he concluded that the racial aspect could not be proved to the required standard.

2) Assault by kicking on a police officer attempt to arrest a drunk after being called to a hospital for assistance when the defendant turned up at a hospital and started being abusive and threatening. The officer had begun by offering the drunk a free ride home, and had shrugged off a fair few insults and threats before switching to arrest mode, so she had done nothing to provoke the attack.

The judge began (correctly, according to the guidelines) from the starting point of considering a custodial sentence (no injury was caused and the victim was never placed in fear, as the attack was as inept as it was foolish - a similar assault not on a police officer or vulnerable person probably would not have had a judge thinking of prison). I was defending, and after a lengthy plea in mitigation (focussing on the defendant's possible rehabilitation) the judge was eventually persuaded that a non-custodial sentence of probation was correct.


Neither case would be at all exceptional here. They are examples of the system working, and applying victim-specific offences sensibly and fairly. It may be (I don't know) that other country's criminal justice systems are fucked, and do not allow the same scope for judges to make such decisions. If so, that's an argument against fucked up criminal justice systems, not against hate crime legislation.
 
Posted by saysay (# 6645) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
An 1801 case? It sounds like we're pretty safe from being accused of thought crimes in the modern age then. And I'm not sure where hate crimes come in this.

Well, the prosecutors and courts made the right decision in this case (scroll down to the second heading for info. on how this person had a blogger arrested). But there have been increasing numbers of people being arrested for facebook posts or blog posts or, in one recent case, rap lyrics.

Most of which don't have much to do with hate crime law directly. Just with Americans' growing unease with restrictions on speech and other freedoms.

quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:

Neither case would be at all exceptional here. They are examples of the system working, and applying victim-specific offences sensibly and fairly. It may be (I don't know) that other country's criminal justice systems are fucked, and do not allow the same scope for judges to make such decisions. If so, that's an argument against fucked up criminal justice systems, not against hate crime legislation.

Valid point.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
If so, that's an argument against fucked up criminal justice systems, not against hate crime legislation.

Many of the criticisms against hate crimes on this thread seem to have been points about wider issues than hate crimes - taking on aspects of the justice system or policing which cut across application of a lot of legislation. Even the points of principle regarding differential sentencing seem actually to relate to well established precedent across a range of sentencing.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
Although as was shown upthread your doubts about hate crimes actually generalize to doubts regarding differential sentences for killing policeman executing their duty, sentencing based on motive, differentiating between murder and manslaughter and other widely accepted aspects of many Western justice systems.

My “doubts about hate crime” are based primarily on principles which any more or less rational and moral person holds, ie that no-one should be punished for other people’s actions, and that punishments should be based on justice and not pragmatism.

Thus, for example, if a bank robber is given a more severe sentence as a deterrent because there has been a recent spate of bank robberies, he suffers injustice on both counts.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
My “doubts about hate crime” are based primarily on principles which any more or less rational and moral person holds, ie that no-one should be punished for other people’s actions, and that punishments should be based on justice and not pragmatism.

Thus, for example, if a bank robber is given a more severe sentence as a deterrent because there has been a recent spate of bank robberies, he suffers injustice on both counts.

Your attempt to preemptively accuse anyone who disagrees with you of irrationality or immorality or both is noted.

You are misapplying the first principle, and the second principle is as meaningless as saying that attempts to relieve famine should be based upon compassion and not upon logistics.

If you interpret the first principle as strictly as you need to interpret it to rule out hate crimes, you must also rule that Eichmann was only guilty of running train timetables. The actual killing was being done by other people and therefore Eichmann should not be punished for it.
That is ridiculous.
A person's actions do not occur in a vacuum, but in the context of social expectations and other patterns of behaviour. An accurate description of someone's actions includes reference to what other agents are doing as part of the same enterprise or the same cultural norms. There is no inherent difference between a judge handing out a verdict and an actor playing a judge, aside from what other people are doing around them.
That being the case, it is certainly fair to assess a person's actions as part of wider patterns of social behaviour.

The idea that penalties for crimes should have no deterrent component is not widely shared, and even when held seems to be selectively applied on all sides. (Few people who object to hate crime legislation loudly protested that deterrent effects were out of order after the London riots, for example.)
The best justification for punishment, as I understand it, is that if you commit a crime as retribution you lose a certain limited number of rights, which rights include the right not to be used for deterrent purposes up to a certain point.
The claim that there is a just penalty for any given crime seems open to highly subjective judgements. If the penalty for monetary theft were simply the money stolen plus a fine of equal value that might be an objective measure. There the penalty is of the same kind as the harm caused by the crime. But to claim that there is some measure of deprivation of liberty that is objectively just restitution for theft or for murder looks like it won't stand up on examination.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Alt Wally:
I don't know what exact instances in regards to hate crimes that concern may be about, but I certainly understand the general concern.

The proposal as I understand it is not to legislate against expressions of hatred. However, if having expressed his undying dislike of militant atheists Rowan Williams were then unwise enough to go out and knife Richard Dawkins, I think he couldn't hold it against the criminal justice system if it took his expressions of dislike into account.
Just as if George Osborne announces in the House of Commons that he's planning to take a gun and rob the local HSBC in half an hour, and then half an hour later someone in a Boris Johnson masks robs the local HSBC, I don't think George Osborne can complain that his rights to free speech or privileged speech in the Commons are infringed if the police take his remarks into account in deciding where to direct their enquiries.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
My “doubts about hate crime” are based primarily on principles which any more or less rational and moral person holds, ie that no-one should be punished for other people’s actions, and that punishments should be based on justice and not pragmatism.

I think Dafyd shows rationally and morally why those principles end up challenging very broadly accepted practices in many Western justice systems.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Bit of a tangent, but being punished for other people's actions is quite controversial in England at the moment, in relation to joint enterprise.

For example, if you hang out in a violent gang, you might find yourself arrested for a crime that another member of the gang did, while you were nearby, or 'present at the scene'.

Obviously, it can be used against people like the get-away driver in an armed robbery, who might claim that he didn't rob or use arms.

But now there is some concern that people are being banged up for murder, which they didn't commit personally.

Rather different from hate crime, though.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
"Joint enterprise" does throw up some anomalies. It does catch some too, though.

The "shotgun defence" is where two people commit a murder, and then blame each other for the fatal shot. Realistically, the jury must acquit both of them, as they cannot decide beyond reasonable doubt which of them pulled the trigger - even though one of them must have.

The "joint enterprise" - that the two of them went to commit the murder - closes that loop-hole.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Your attempt to preemptively accuse anyone who disagrees with you of irrationality or immorality or both is noted.

You don't think it irrational and immoral to punish someone for someone else's offence, or use a criterion other than justice to determine punishment?

quote:
If you interpret the first principle as strictly as you need to interpret it to rule out hate crimes, you must also rule that Eichmann was only guilty of running train timetables. The actual killing was being done by other people and therefore Eichmann should not be punished for it.
That is ridiculous.

No, the ridiculousness lies in your attempted analogy.

Eichmann was complicit in the Holocaust crime, and anyone who is an accomplice in, say, bashing a gay man because he is gay, by holding him while he is being hit, is part of the crime in a way which someone who carries out a completely separate gay bashing is not.

quote:
A person's actions do not occur in a vacuum,
So an academic who writes a book arguing against the concept of private property has to share the blame for property crimes such as burglaries, because he poisoned the social atmosphere.

quote:
Few people who object to hate crime legislation loudly protested that deterrent effects were out of order after the London riots, for example.
I, for one, most certainly oppose the idea that any rioter should have received a harsher sentence than the one laid down for theft, vandalism, violence, or whatever, on the grounds that it might deter some future would-be rioter.

quote:
The best justification for punishment, as I understand it, is that if you commit a crime as retribution you lose a certain limited number of rights, which rights include the right not to be used for deterrent purposes up to a certain point.
This is sheer sophistry.

If you commit a crime, you deserve appropriate retribution.

End of story.

quote:
The claim that there is a just penalty for any given crime seems open to highly subjective judgements.
Which is precisely why there is a need for carefully specified penalties, as much in line with community attitudes as possible (eg no death penalty for pick-pocketing),which must be adhered to in sentencing, without any arbitrary additions to the penalties based on "highly subjective [and speculative] judgements" of how best to do some social engineering.
 
Posted by Gee D (# 13815) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Bit of a tangent, but being punished for other people's actions is quite controversial in England at the moment, in relation to joint enterprise.

But now there is some concern that people are being banged up for murder, which they didn't commit personally.

Rather different from hate crime, though.

Let's say that Smith died after 1 gunshot would to the head. When his body was found, Smith had been trussed in a manner likely to need the work of 2 people. Jones and Bloggs are charged with the murder, and each accuses the other of firing the fatal shot, saying that all they did was to assist in the trussing.

As Doc Tor points out very clearly, they are caught by the doctrine of joint or common purpose. This is an example in a particularly gruesome case of the application of the doctrine.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Your attempt to preemptively accuse anyone who disagrees with you of irrationality or immorality or both is noted.

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
You don't think it irrational and immoral to punish someone for someone else's offence, or use a criterion other than justice to determine punishment?

Obviously he doesn't feel his argument to be irrational and immoral, neither do I, and neither would we accept your characterization of it. I would have thought that didn't need saying.

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Which is precisely why there is a need for carefully specified penalties, as much in line with community attitudes as possible (eg no death penalty for pick-pocketing),which must be adhered to in sentencing, without any arbitrary additions to the penalties based on "highly subjective [and speculative] judgements" of how best to do some social engineering.

What are the community attitudes if not arbitrary, highly subjective and speculative? Added to which few governments would accept legislation must primarily reflect community attitudes.

And what is a police and justice system but a brute-force attempt to control society's behaviour and social engineering writ large?

[ 24. February 2015, 03:48: Message edited by: mdijon ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
If you interpret the first principle as strictly as you need to interpret it to rule out hate crimes, you must also rule that Eichmann was only guilty of running train timetables. The actual killing was being done by other people and therefore Eichmann should not be punished for it.
That is ridiculous.

No, the ridiculousness lies in your attempted analogy.

Eichmann was complicit in the Holocaust crime, and anyone who is an accomplice in, say, bashing a gay man because he is gay, by holding him while he is being hit, is part of the crime in a way which someone who carries out a completely separate gay bashing is not.

So the principle that people should not be punished for someone else's actions has just sprouted, shall we call it a clarificatory clause: people should not be punished for someone else's actions unless their own actions make them complicit or accomplices. Perhaps there might be a few more clarificatory clauses?

Let us say that a group of journalists independently take a dislike to a public figure, and maliciously run false stories. No one story has individually a detrimental effect. However, the cumulative effect is to make the public think that there is no smoke without fire.
Do the journalists get to defend themselves on the grounds that although they are glad to have been part of a cumulative contribution to the malicious defamation, none of them individually could have had any effect, and therefore none of them has individually caused any harm?

quote:
quote:
A person's actions do not occur in a vacuum,
So an academic who writes a book arguing against the concept of private property has to share the blame for property crimes such as burglaries, because he poisoned the social atmosphere.
This is really quite an immense leap of logic.

quote:
quote:
The best justification for punishment, as I understand it, is that if you commit a crime as retribution you lose a certain limited number of rights, which rights include the right not to be used for deterrent purposes up to a certain point.
This is sheer sophistry.

If you commit a crime, you deserve appropriate retribution.

End of story.

You would like it to be the end of the story, wouldn't you? You'd like to not have to acknowledge that a great many rational and moral people disagree with you.
Unfortunately, most of us have to negotiate a world in which people disagree with us, and have neither the power nor the right to declare our views the end of the story.

I notice there is no room after appropriate retribution for forgiveness. It's appropriate retribution, then end of story.

The end of penal justice is rehabilitation. That is why forgiveness is not unjust but the fulfilment of justice. Forgiveness is the declaration that retribution is no longer desired. If retribution does not serve that end, it is mere vindictiveness.

The prison policies of many developing countries are a sad and pointless waste under the assumption that they ought to be made as unpleasant as possible consistent with basic humanity, or not consistent with basic humanity in the case of some voices.

quote:
quote:
The claim that there is a just penalty for any given crime seems open to highly subjective judgements.
Which is precisely why there is a need for carefully specified penalties, as much in line with community attitudes as possible (eg no death penalty for pick-pocketing),which must be adhered to in sentencing, without any arbitrary additions to the penalties based on "highly subjective [and speculative] judgements" of how best to do some social engineering.
Odd that you mention the death penalty for pickpocketing. In the eighteenth century, the people who thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes. It was the ones who preferred deterrent or rehabilitative explanations who found it abhorrent and successfully altered social attitudes.

Social attitudes contain a certain element of retributive principle, a large element of sheer vindictiveness, often contributed to by the media desire to sell stories, and a certain element of deterrent or rehabilitative attitudes. Are you going to try to tease out these components before basing your decisions about the objectively just penalty on them?

'Attempts at social engineering' as you call them may have a subjective and speculative element, but they are more objective than your preferred methodology.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
You don't think it irrational and immoral to punish someone for someone else's offence, or use a criterion other than justice to determine punishment?

I think the point is that 'justice' can include looking at actions in their correct social context, and assessing both the harmfulness and blameworthiness of that conduction in that context.

Every criminal law system I know about looks at both harm and blame. Drunken driving is blameworthy, and the hopelessly drunk driver who fortunately is stopped before he causes an accident is morally at fault, but I don't think anyone expects him to be punished as severely as a slightly less intoxicated driver who actually kills someone. A perfectly sober motorist who deliberately drives his vehicle at someone to kill them is likely to be dealt with more severely still - as direct intention is usually considered to be more blameworthy than recklessness.

It is not generally considered unfair to take account of EITHER different degrees of harm where the offenders are equally blameworthy, OR different degrees of culpability, where they have done equal harm.*

Applying that to hate crime: suppose I go out on the street and subject some random person of another race to gratuitous racial abuse. If racism in my society is rare, racists held in universal contempt, and no ethnic group is socially excluded or disadvantaged, then I might indeed upset my victim, but mostly I'll look like an arse.

Now suppose that racism is a real problem in my society - that people of different races view one another with hostility and fear, and minorities are seriously disadvantaged, and are at risk if they go into the 'wrong' areas. My insults then take on a rather more sinister character - they reinforce a deeply harmful and divisive situation that blights many lives. There is the same injury to the victim's personal feelings, AND a contribution to a wider problem that society has a right and duty to combat. The social context can and does make a difference to the harm that I do.

It could also be argued that the second case is also more blameworthy (at least for someone who doesn't plead the excuse that he was brought up knowing no better) but it doesn't need to be for a system of justice to notice a difference. It suffices that in both cases the conduct is such that all reasonable people would know it to be wrong, but that in the second case, more harm is caused than in the first.


(*I think there is a plausible case in moral philosophy that culpability is what matters, and that random element of how mush harm is caused in a particular incident is irrelevant to that. Criminal justice systems do not purport to be systems of pure moral philosophy - they do take account of actual consequences within the prescribed limits of a scheme of practical justice.)

[ 24. February 2015, 12:40: Message edited by: Eliab ]
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Let us say that a group of journalists independently take a dislike to a public figure, and maliciously run false stories. No one story has individually a detrimental effect. However, the cumulative effect is to make the public think that there is no smoke without fire.

You are really scraping the bottom of the barrel.

Your example makes no sense.

If no one of the stories has a detrimental effect, then neither will their sum.

quote:
I notice there is no room after appropriate retribution for forgiveness.
You are confusing two separate issues.

At an individual level, there is obviously no necessary relationship between the two.

If someone murders someone close to me, I can choose to forgive or not forgive them, whether the law takes its course and they suffer retributive punishment, or whether they escape justice and disappear permanently overseas.

However, we are talking about criminal law systems, which have no right to forgive on my, or anyone else's behalf, but are obliged to apply the law.

quote:
The end of penal justice is rehabilitation.
No it's not, it's retributive justice, but once again it's not an either/or issue, because a deserved jail sentence can be spent either wasting time, or in education and job training, which might or might not contribute to rehabilitation, but is certainly worth trying.

quote:
Odd that you mention the death penalty for pickpocketing. In the eighteenth century, the people who thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes.
The ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes were the ones who thought it was a deterrent, and they were wrong.
 
Posted by Gee D (# 13815) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:


quote:
The end of penal justice is rehabilitation.
No it's not, it's retributive justice, but once again it's not an either/or issue, because a deserved jail sentence can be spent either wasting time, or in education and job training, which might or might not contribute to rehabilitation, but is certainly worth trying.thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes.
You are both partly right, and therefore both partly wrong. Rehabilitation and retribution are among the aims of the criminal justice system, along with such others as general and individual deterrence.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Let us say that a group of journalists independently take a dislike to a public figure, and maliciously run false stories. No one story has individually a detrimental effect. However, the cumulative effect is to make the public think that there is no smoke without fire.

You are really scraping the bottom of the barrel.

Your example makes no sense.

If no one of the stories has a detrimental effect, then neither will their sum.

Are you really advancing the claim that the net result of a series of actions is simply the linear sum of the results of the individual actions? You're really advancing that as an observation upon human psychology?

quote:
quote:
The end of penal justice is rehabilitation.
No it's not, it's retributive justice, but once again it's not an either/or issue, because a deserved jail sentence can be spent either wasting time, or in education and job training, which might or might not contribute to rehabilitation, but is certainly worth trying.
Pardon me. I hadn't realised that 'end of story' means 'it's not an either/or issue, because a deserved jails sentence...'

Let's suppose a criminal commits a crime, escapes punishment, but reforms anyway. (Imagine Tony from West Side Story survives, escapes with Maria, and sets up as youth worker helping resolve gang violence in Chicago. Or Valjean escapes from the galleys and sets up as a small town mayor.) Assuming no practical purpose of deterrent or consolation for the family of the victim is served by imprisoning him, is it just that the person be imprisoned?
I would say no. I consider the proposition that retribution necessitates some penalty for a reformed criminal to be unjust and immoral.

quote:
quote:
Odd that you mention the death penalty for pickpocketing. In the eighteenth century, the people who thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes.
The ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes were the ones who thought it was a deterrent, and they were wrong.
Really? Bentham was one of the first people to argue in English that there was no retributive function to punishment, and he was a reformer and opponent of the death penalty. He was following Beccaria, who again, according to wikipedia, argued that punishment has a deterrent rather than a retributive function. Samuel Romilly, who abolished the death penalty for theft from the person, was also following Beccaria.
I think the evidence supports my contention.

[ 25. February 2015, 09:55: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
Doesn't the fact that the argument canters through the fundamental nature of retributive and rehabilitative justice indicate that the principled arguments being advanced against hate crime are ones that cut across the whole of the justice system?

Are there any specific arguments of principle against hate crime that wouldn't have ramifications across the whole of the justice system?
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

Let's suppose a criminal commits a crime, escapes punishment, but reforms anyway. (Imagine Tony from West Side Story survives, escapes with Maria, and sets up as youth worker helping resolve gang violence in Chicago. Or Valjean escapes from the galleys and sets up as a small town mayor.) Assuming no practical purpose of deterrent or consolation for the family of the victim is served by imprisoning him, is it just that the person be imprisoned?
I would say no. I consider the proposition that retribution necessitates some penalty for a reformed criminal to be unjust and immoral.

Instead of using fictional examples, let's stick with Eichmann.

So, if he escaped to South America, repented, and set up an orphanage, the Jews (and non-Jews interested in justice) would have had no basis for prosecuting him?

At the moment, the Australian media are dominated by the imminent execution by Indonesia of two Australian drug smugglers.

There are widespread calls (which I support)for commutation of the death penalty to life imprisonment, but no-one is arguing that because they have (apparently) been rehabilitated, that they therefore should not be penalised at all.
quote:

quote:
quote:
Odd that you mention the death penalty for pickpocketing. In the eighteenth century, the people who thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes.
The ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes were the ones who thought it was a deterrent, and they were wrong.
Really? Bentham was one of the first people to argue in English that there was no retributive function to punishment, and he was a reformer and opponent of the death penalty. He was following Beccaria, who again, according to wikipedia, argued that punishment has a deterrent rather than a retributive function. Samuel Romilly, who abolished the death penalty for theft from the person, was also following Beccaria.
I think the evidence supports my contention.

No it doesn't, because the grassroots administration of justice at the time was not driven by the arcane and abstruse theorisings of jurists, but by a seemingly unstoppable "crime wave" caused by a number of factors, including the effects of the Industrial Revolution, which it was thought could only be controlled by savagely deterrent sentences.

That deterrence didn't work (not that it would have been any more acceptable even if it had),was evidenced by the fact that pick-pockets worked the crowds that gathered to watch the execution of pick-pockets.

Deterrence might seem more progressive and enlightened than retribution, but on the contrary, it is based on what works, rather than what is just and proportional, so literally anything, no matter how horrific, can be imposed on an offender if there is any chance that it will put off other potential offenders.

On deterrence principles, there would be nothing unjust about punishing property offences with hanging, drawing and quartering so long as it worked.

A retributive approach to property crime, on the contrary, is concerned with appropriateness and proportionality.

[code]

[ 26. February 2015, 13:16: Message edited by: Eutychus ]
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
On deterrence principles, there would be nothing unjust about punishing property offences with hanging, drawing and quartering so long as it worked.

A retributive approach to property crime, on the contrary, is concerned with appropriateness and proportionality.

That establishes justice (in the retributive sense) as a necessary condition of moral acceptable punishment, but that's a different thing from arguing that it's the morally acceptable end of punishment.

Dafyd's point, as I understand it, is that we should not punish people merely because they deserve it, but to achieve some good end for society and for the offender. I'd be astonished if he thinks that anything is acceptable provided it serves those good ends. Very few people outside Tom Sharpe novels believe that "someone should always be hanged if a policeman is killed, even if it's the wrong man".

[ 26. February 2015, 10:34: Message edited by: Eliab ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

Let's suppose a criminal commits a crime, escapes punishment, but reforms anyway. Assuming no practical purpose of deterrent or consolation for the family of the victim is served by imprisoning him, is it just that the person be imprisoned?
I would say no. I consider the proposition that retribution necessitates some penalty for a reformed criminal to be unjust and immoral.

Instead of using fictional examples, let's stick with Eichmann.

So, if he escaped to South America, repented, and set up an orphanage, the Jews (and non-Jews interested in justice) would have had no basis for prosecuting him?

I am somewhat puzzled by a request not to use fictional examples that is followed immediately by fictional suppositions about a real person. I would have thought that this ran the risk of blurring our reactions to the counterfactual situation (Eichmann repentant, running orphanages for Jewish children) with our reactions to the actual situation (Eichmann not at all repentant).

I can certainly think of ends that might be served by putting him on trial. The victims and families of the victims are entitled to public acknowledgement of what happened, especially in the light of holocaust denial. One might say that even a slight possibility of deterrence is justified in view of the magnitude of the crime that might be deterred, or that other escaped Nazi criminals who had not reformed might be encouraged.

quote:
At the moment, the Australian media are dominated by the imminent execution by Indonesia of two Australian drug smugglers.

There are widespread calls (which I support)for commutation of the death penalty to life imprisonment, but no-one is arguing that because they have (apparently) been rehabilitated, that they therefore should not be penalised at all.

I assume that one can justify imprisonment on the grounds of deterrence. Although deterrence arguments tend to suggest that long penalties are unnecessary.

quote:
quote:
quote:
quote:
Odd that you mention the death penalty for pickpocketing. In the eighteenth century, the people who thought that justice demanded retribution and nothing else were the ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes.
The ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes were the ones who thought it was a deterrent, and they were wrong.
Really? Bentham was one of the first people to argue in English that there was no retributive function to punishment, and he was a reformer and opponent of the death penalty. He was following Beccaria, who again, according to wikipedia, argued that punishment has a deterrent rather than a retributive function. Samuel Romilly, who abolished the death penalty for theft from the person, was also following Beccaria.
I think the evidence supports my contention.

No it doesn't, because the grassroots administration of justice at the time was not driven by the arcane and abstruse theorisings of jurists, but by a seemingly unstoppable "crime wave" caused by a number of factors, including the effects of the Industrial Revolution, which it was thought could only be controlled by savagely deterrent sentences.
Samuel Romilly - let me put in the actual link this time - was the solicitor general who actually abolished the death penalty in these cases. So not an arcane and abstruse theorist.

I've cited evidence; now I've linked to it. What evidence are you citing for your views?

quote:
That deterrence didn't work (not that it would have been any more acceptable even if it had),was evidenced by the fact that pick-pockets worked the crowds that gathered to watch the execution of pick-pockets.
Yes - that would have been one of the arguments that deterrence theorists put against the death penalty for theft.

But hang on - you were arguing that all claims as to whether deterrence does or doesn't work are subjective and speculative. Is the above argument, that pickpockets in the crowds showed that there was no deterrent effect itself subjective and speculative, or is it some special exception to the general rule?

quote:
On deterrence principles, there would be nothing unjust about punishing property offences with hanging, drawing and quartering so long as it worked.
Most pure deterrent theorists have argued that it didn't work, which is why they were the ones who actually took practical steps to abolish it. (Bentham at least would have employed utilitarian considerations even if it had been shown to work.)

The question of what they would have thought if they'd believed it did work is abstruse and arcane; if you want to rule abstruse and arcane considerations out of court when they tell against you, you can't bring them back in when they support you.

quote:
A retributive approach to property crime, on the contrary, is concerned with appropriateness and proportionality.
If you can define appropriate and proportional go ahead. The most you've put forward is that public opinion has something to do with it.
For example, how would you react to the claim that the appropriate and proportional punishment for coveting someone else's property, let alone actually stealing it, is eternal torment in Hell?

[ 26. February 2015, 12:30: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
One problem with time-traveling examples is that they do not fully examine circumstance and therefore are not complete analogues.
Theft during the Industrial Revolution is not the equivilant it is today. There are resources and recourse not then available.
When you have nothing, the threat of having it taken away means less.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:

The claim that there is a just penalty for any given crime seems open to highly subjective judgements. If the penalty for monetary theft were simply the money stolen plus a fine of equal value that might be an objective measure. There the penalty is of the same kind as the harm caused by the crime. But to claim that there is some measure of deprivation of liberty that is objectively just restitution for theft or for murder looks like it won't stand up on examination.

Agree that there may be no basis for deciding what absolute penalty is just punishment for any particular crime. But as others have said, justice is proportionality. Justice in this context requires that criminal A gets a more severe penalty than criminal B if and only if A has committed a more serious crime (or the same crime committed in circumstances which make it a more evil act). Our sense of injustice is triggered if someone gets a relatively severe penalty for a relatively trivial crime. Or vice versa. Or if two people have committed the same crime in the same circumstances but one of them gets off more lightly than the other for what should be irrelevant reasons - he's got blue eyes, he went to a good school, his father's an MP, etc.

So my question for those who support hate crime laws is to come clean about whether they do so because they consider such laws just. Or whether they recognise that such laws may be unjust, but want them for another reason , e.g.
- because an unjustly-severe penalty will have a greater deterrent effect thus leading to a utilitarian greater good of the greater number
- because a little injustice in one direction will balance the scales of history which has seen great injustice in the other direction
- because justice is a myth and political expediency is all there ever was .

If you use these sort of it's-not-about-justice arguments, it's not surprising if people think you must be proposing something unjust...

I'm suspecting that perhaps the laws are better than the arguments being put forward to support them...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
PS: Dafyd, I thought your example of rioters was a really good one.

If a rioter smashes a shop window and steals the goods, are they more or less culpable than someone who does the same thing some other night, for profit, off their own bat ?

less culpable because the usual social restraints have been removed ? Because they've been incited to it ? provoked by whatever the cause of / excuse for the riot is ?

Or more culpable because by their action they associate themselves with - act in solidarity with - the totality of crime committed by all the rioters together ?

And if by sheer chance an ordinary criminal is committing the same crime a few streets away, unaware of the riot, is their crime more severe for the accidental association ?

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I've cited evidence

The men you have cited agreed with deterrence in general, which is what I have already shown was the general attitude of the time.

They just believed that the death penalty for property crimes didn't work.

Deterrence is actually very difficult to demonstrate, and for all they knew, there would have been even more property crime had the death penalty not been in force.

If property crime remained the same, declined, or increased, after the abolition of capital punishment, it would have been difficult to demonstrate any correlation because of all the other possible factors involved.

In practice, people assert the effectiveness of deterrence on the basis of ideology rather than evidence, whether it is special penalties for "hate crimes", or "bring back the birch' for "juvenile delinquents".

As I keep reminding you, the point about deterrence is not whether it works, but the fact that it is unjust and immoral per se.

quote:
how would you react to the claim that the appropriate and proportional punishment for coveting someone else's property, let alone actually stealing it, is eternal torment in Hell?
To me, eternal torment is an enormous problem for my faith, and one to which i have no easy answers, but for someone like yourself, who believes in "whatever it takes" practical deterrence, rather than justice and proportionality, it can pose no problem at all.

Lucky you.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
I understand the principal purpose (and a requirement, for it to not be injustice) of criminal punishment to be retributive, though tempered with mercy and modified by extenuating circumstances. (Some of that mercy could be a very good reason for focusing on rehabilitation, of course, plus, arguably, basic human decency.)

I think perhaps some of what is involved in hate crime punishment specifically would be the opposite of extenuating circumstances--i.e., if we punish someone more lightly for, say, stealing money from their job because they had to pay for the medical bills of a sick mother, or to take a lethal example, someone who flew into a rage when they found their spouse in bed with someone else and then shot one of them (crime of passion in the heat of the moment, etc.--some of this sort of thing gets into first-, second-, or third-degree murder, whether it was premeditated, etc.), then someone who (provably) just goes out and kills or hurts someone out of hatred could be argued to merit more punishment than someone who was caught stealing and then shot the person trying to stop them.

[ 27. February 2015, 05:53: Message edited by: ChastMastr ]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Proportionality, KC, is exactly what hate crime laws are about.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I've cited evidence

The men you have cited agreed with deterrence in general, which is what I have already shown was the general attitude of the time.
You have not shown it was the general attitude of the time. You have asserted it was the general attitude of the time. You have not offered as evidence anything independent of your own assertions. That being the case, I have no way of telling whether you have any grounds for believing what you're saying other than it fits what you would like to be true.

I like revisionist intellectual history as much as the next person, but it does have to fit at least some of the facts.

quote:
quote:
how would you react to the claim that the appropriate and proportional punishment for coveting someone else's property, let alone actually stealing it, is eternal torment in Hell?
To me, eternal torment is an enormous problem for my faith, and one to which i have no easy answers, but for someone like yourself, who believes in "whatever it takes" practical deterrence, rather than justice and proportionality, it can pose no problem at all.
Even if I were a deterrence theorist along the lines of Bentham, eternal torment woulc be counterutilitarian.
But as I said earlier, I'm a mixed theorist.

[ 27. February 2015, 07:09: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
But as others have said, justice is proportionality. Justice in this context requires that criminal A gets a more severe penalty than criminal B if and only if A has committed a more serious crime (or the same crime committed in circumstances which make it a more evil act). Our sense of injustice is triggered if someone gets a relatively severe penalty for a relatively trivial crime.

I think that even relative proportionality is open to question. Does a serious property crime merit more punishment than a minor crime against the person? We can try to give reasons: my disagreement with Kaplan Corday on this point isn't that giving reasons is impossible or entirely subjective - which I don't believe, but that it's more subjective than deterrent or rehabilitation arguments. But at first glance, different types of crime are incommensurable in the harm done, and the harm done is largely incommensurable with the proposed punishment.

quote:
So my question for those who support hate crime laws is to come clean about whether they do so because they consider such laws just. Or whether they recognise that such laws may be unjust, but want them for another reason , e.g.
- because an unjustly-severe penalty will have a greater deterrent effect thus leading to a utilitarian greater good of the greater number
- because a little injustice in one direction will balance the scales of history which has seen great injustice in the other direction
- because justice is a myth and political expediency is all there ever was .

I'd question whether anyone supporting the first argument considers it unjust. If you think the justification for punishment is deterrence, then the claim that a punishment is required because it has deterrent effect is a claim that the punishment is just.

I haven't seen anybody put forward claims two or three, and they smell strongly of straw to me.

The justifications for legislation against hate crime have been rehearsed earlier on the thread.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
So my question for those who support hate crime laws is to come clean about whether they do so because they consider such laws just.

My view is that victimising someone because of their membership of a despised group is objectively morally worse than victimising them because of personal hostility. I also think that in my own society (though not necessarily every conceivable society) crime directed specifically at members of a despised group does greater and wider damage to the community than similar behaviour which is not so targeted.

Therefore if by just punishment you include something like "proportionate to the culpability of the offender" OR "proportionate to the harm done" OR both of those, then yes, I think hate crime laws are just in principle.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
One also has to look more generally at the principles of aggravation and mitigation. These are not restricted to hate crime laws, by any means. Is it unjust to vary sentence according to various factors? English law clearly says not. The obvious example is intent, including 'subjective foresight'.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
So my question for those who support hate crime laws is to come clean about whether they do so because they consider such laws just.

quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
...Therefore if by just punishment you include something like "proportionate to the culpability of the offender" OR "proportionate to the harm done" OR both of those, then yes, I think hate crime laws are just in principle.

I agree. I'm slightly puzzled by the "come clean" language, as if such considerations have been evaded as a dirty secret on the thread.

In return I'd like to ask if this of those that oppose hate crime legislation:

This position seems to have been associated with a position who feel that intent cannot be considered and that consequence should not be considered. Do those opposing hate crime legislation accept that this view of justice would lead to quite a different justice system from the one in operation in many Western countries - for instance the idea that assaulting a policeman should have the same sentencing as assaulting a drunken man in a pub, or that assaulting the vulnerable and infirm should be sentenced as the drunken brawl.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
My view is that victimising someone because of their membership of a despised group is objectively morally worse than victimising them because of personal hostility.
.

That's clear and upfront.

It's a moral intuition that I don't immediately share, that I'm struggling to resolve into either
- a valid application of a moral intuition that I do share, so that I can agree, or
- a misapplication of same, so I can know why I disagree....

Does a Man Utd supporter picking on a Man City supporter count as "victimising a despised group" ? That has the element of treating the other person as a symbol of something despised rather than as a person.

Or does the un-esteeming of the victim have to be done by society as a whole ?

If you believed that the left-handed members of society constitute a low-status discriminated-against group, would a corollary of that belief be that you think carrying out a criminal act on a left-hander for being a left-hander is objectively morally worse than committing the same crime against someone else ?

In that case, it seems like the extra punishment you want to hand out to the anti-left-hand bigot is for not recognising or not accepting your meta-narrative that left-handers are a disadvantaged under-privileged group with special victim status. For being off-message, in other words.

Whose opinion on whose status is the important one here ?

Yours confused,

Russ
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
I had to smile at the 'come clean' rhetoric, as if hate crime laws were something furtive. In fact, they are part of a raft of measures to do with aggravation, which is enshrined in English law. For example, the law does not treat all killings equally!
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
In that case, it seems like the extra punishment you want to hand out to the anti-left-hand bigot is for not recognising or not accepting your meta-narrative that left-handers are a disadvantaged under-privileged group with special victim status. For being off-message, in other words.

Whose opinion on whose status is the important one here ?

I'm a bit puzzled about how you beat someone up for being a left-hander without having some sort of idea that the person you beat up ought to be part of a disadvantaged under-privileged group with special victim status. If the person beating them up didn't think they were before, surely, all things being equal, the fact that the left-hander has just been beaten up for being a left-hander qualifies as a disadvantage, an underprivilege, and a special victim status in its own right?

You might as well say that the punishment for theft is a punishment for not accepting the meta-narrative that the property in question doesn't belong to the thief.

The point at which one starts to think left-handers ought to be covered under the relevant hate-crime legislation is the point at which a left-hander might reasonably be reluctant to be left-handed in public in certain situations in case of being beaten up.

For example, if there's a widespread opinion that its sensible for women not to wear certain types of clothes in certain situations, then attacks on women wearing those kinds of outfits in those situations should count as hate crimes.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
It's a moral intuition that I don't immediately share, that I'm struggling to resolve into either
- a valid application of a moral intuition that I do share, so that I can agree, or
- a misapplication of same, so I can know why I disagree....

Take the example of the gang fight I gave above. The defendants were a bunch of thugs, with a long standing grudge against another group, who were smarting from the fact that at their last meeting they had got the worst of it. There was a long history of assaults and belligerence between the two sets of yobs. So they deliberately set up an encounter where they would have the advantage of numbers and preparation, and launched an attack on their rivals intending to cause them fear, humiliation, pain and physical injury.

All very unpleasant and against the law.

But suppose instead they'd ambushed and assaulted some completely innocent and unconnected group, who had never done them any harm, purely because of racial hatred. That would have been worse, surely?

quote:
Does a Man Utd supporter picking on a Man City supporter count as "victimising a despised group" ? That has the element of treating the other person as a symbol of something despised rather than as a person.
It depends. Are they personal enemies? Are they both hooligans up for a fight, or is the victim just there to watch a game? Is this essentially a random and unprovoked attack against anyone from a despised group? It seems obvious to me that the answers do make a difference to the degree of wickedness involved.

It's clear, though, that the social effects of football violence, serious though they are, are not as harmful as racial violence. If I'm a Man City fan, and this sort of thing is common, then basically, I'm going to be afraid to go out wearing a light blue scarf, or go near certain parts of town on match days. I shouldn't have to be afraid to do that - but the violence will have that consequence.

But suppose I'm a black man in a society where racial violence is common. I can't trade in my skin as I would my scarf. I can't associate my racial identity with only the certain times and places I'd ideally like to set aside for some leisure activity. In order to feel the ordinary degree of security other people take for granted, I'm going to have to be watching my back all the time. I'll probably want to stay in mostly-black areas, avoid taking jobs that would mean putting my physical safety at risk, be wary and suspicious around white men unless I'm with friends and we out-number them, and tend to define myself and my interests against the people who daily threaten the security of myself and my family.

I'm white. Almost certainly I'll never have to live like that. That doesn't mean I can't see that those are natural consequences of racial violence, and that they are life-affecting, even for people who are not direct victims. That's why the harm caused is worse.


quote:
If you believed that the left-handed members of society constitute a low-status discriminated-against group, would a corollary of that belief be that you think carrying out a criminal act on a left-hander for being a left-hander is objectively morally worse than committing the same crime against someone else ?
Dafyd's already answered that. I agree with him.

[ 27. February 2015, 15:25: Message edited by: Eliab ]
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
Does a Man Utd supporter picking on a Man City supporter count as "victimising a despised group" ?... If you believed that the left-handed members of society constitute a low-status discriminated-against group, would a corollary of that belief be that you think carrying out a criminal act on a left-hander for being a left-hander is objectively morally worse than committing the same crime against someone else ?

As Eliab says these categories are not equivalent to skin colour and scarves can be removed.

That said I can imagine that sentencing has sometimes regarded the arbitrary and pernicious nature of violence following football teams as an issue.

It is worth reflecting on just how strange this conversation sounds to someone black who inhabits the world of discrimination and threats of violence. Its just faintly surreal that someone living alongside one can't grasp the experience of being black and threatened and draws such unlikely parallels in discussion.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:

It is worth reflecting on just how strange this conversation sounds to someone black who inhabits the world of discrimination and threats of violence. Its just faintly surreal that someone living alongside one can't grasp the experience of being black and threatened and draws such unlikely parallels in discussion.

Amen.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:

It is worth reflecting on just how strange this conversation sounds to someone black who inhabits the world of discrimination and threats of violence. Its just faintly surreal that someone living alongside one can't grasp the experience of being black and threatened and draws such unlikely parallels in discussion.

Amen.
Seconded.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
It is worth reflecting on just how strange this conversation sounds to someone black..

If the examples seem strange to you, it's that I'm trying to get y'all to come out with something that I can recognise as a clear and valid moral principle that can be applied with the impartiality that is proper to law.

Rather than just special pleading.

If you have a moral principle, then it applies to groups that don't engage your sympathies as well as those that do. So I think of examples that have something in common, but that you probably don't have the same sympathy with. To try to work out what principle you're working from.

If you don't have a transferrable principle, you're not arguing a position, you're arguing a prejudice...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Lengths of sentences are based on harm done. Hate crimes cause more harm than the same crime without the hate. Simples.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If the examples seem strange to you, it's that I'm trying to get y'all to come out with something that I can recognise as a clear and valid moral principle that can be applied with the impartiality that is proper to law.

Rather than just special pleading.

If you have a moral principle, then it applies to groups that don't engage your sympathies as well as those that do. So I think of examples that have something in common, but that you probably don't have the same sympathy with. To try to work out what principle you're working from.

If you don't have a transferrable principle, you're not arguing a position, you're arguing a prejudice...

Best wishes,

Russ

The problem is not that the law is not equally applied but that certain groups have much more violence inflicted on them than other groups. For example, I think a third of the hate crime charges this year in Seattle were against people attacking GBLTQ folks because they were GBLTQ. I don't think there was anyone charged with attacking a straight person because they were straight. Yet the hate crimes law prohibits attacks based on sexual orientation. I don't think the lack of charges against GBLT people attacking straights is police bias, I just think such cases are rare.

So you have a fair law being applied to a unbalanced set of crimes; there aren't as many straight people being attacked because of their sexual orientation. Yet the law is neutral.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
It is worth reflecting on just how strange this conversation sounds to someone black..

quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If the examples seem strange to you, it's that I'm trying to get y'all to come out with something that I can recognise as a clear and valid moral principle that can be applied with the impartiality that is proper to law.

The moral principles have been laid out severally. lilbuddha has restated for your benefit, they are all over the thread.


quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If you have a moral principle, then it applies to groups that don't engage your sympathies as well as those that do. So I think of examples that have something in common, but that you probably don't have the same sympathy with. To try to work out what principle you're working from.

How about you try to work out what principle you're working from? The moral principle about sentencing being linked to the degree of harm should by now be clear. And the principle that intent is judged in sentencing.

It should also be clear that both these principles run through our justice system. Which of them do you object to?

If you don't object to either it should be fairly clear how they distinguish man city fans from black people. If you do then you are arguing for a completely different kind of justice system from the one we have.

And why would you need to characterize a view that discriminated against minorities need protecting as special pleading or prejudice?
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If you have a moral principle, then it applies to groups that don't engage your sympathies as well as those that do. So I think of examples that have something in common, but that you probably don't have the same sympathy with.

I'm puzzled as to why you think I have less sympathy for left-handers than I do for black people. Particularly after I've revealed that I am white, but not, as far as I recall, said anything about my handedness.

What you're failing to do is analyse blame and harm separately. I think the correct analysis is this:

Having a violent hatred of left-handers is completely unjustified. So is having a violent hatred of blacks. Neither provides any sort of reason or excuse for a criminal attack. The person being attacked is, in either case, wholly innocent, and deserving of protection. Both are highly blame-worthy motives.

It is possible to imagine a society where right/left-handed violence is a major problem but whites and blacks live in harmony. It would be rational for that society to care much more about hatred of left-handers. We don't live there. Instead, our society has a problem with racism and racial violence. Left-handers don't generally live under the threat of being singled out for assault. In some areas, black people do have a reasonable fear for this. Violence against black people does objectively more harm to us than violence against left-handers.

Therefore racial violence is, for us, the more serious matter because it is at least as morally wrong as handedness violence, but more harmful. Criminal sentencing takes account of both blame and harm.

There's no special pleading there. The moral principle works with any group you like. The outcome is different for different groups which in an ideal world would be morally equivalent, because we don't live in an ideal world, and in the real world, attacking some groups contributes to serious social problems, whereas other forms of irrational violence do not to anything like the same extent.

I'm not sure what we can say to make this any clearer.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I like revisionist intellectual history as much as the next person

Obviously.

Look up, for example, the Bloody Code, ie the system of criminal punishment in England 1688-1815, on Wikipedia, which spells out what anyone with any familiarity with the eighteenth century penal code knows: that the system was driven by the hope of deterrence.

It contains a pertinent contemporary quote that "Men are not hanged for stealing horses,[ie justice] but that horses may not be stolen [ie deterrence]"
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
I must say I've lost the thread of the historical argument. I would say that;

a) one does not have to be committed to deterrence or retribution - it is possible to believe both are valid principles

b) one can support hate crime legislation based on either principle or both.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I like revisionist intellectual history as much as the next person

Obviously.

Look up, for example, the Bloody Code, ie the system of criminal punishment in England 1688-1815, on Wikipedia, which spells out what anyone with any familiarity with the eighteenth century penal code knows: that the system was driven by the hope of deterrence.

Have we got an authoritative survey of people with any familiarity with the eighteenth century penal code to back up this assertion about what they know?
Presumably if they disagree with your interpretation they don't count as anyone with any familiarity?

quote:
It contains a pertinent contemporary quote that "Men are not hanged for stealing horses,[ie justice] but that horses may not be stolen [ie deterrence]"
It's not a terribly good article though, is it? It says it's discussing the legal system from 1688-1815, and then it has one paragraph about the period, another only slightly shorter talking about transportation to Australia in the middle of the nineteenth century, and finally ends up talking about the reduction in capital offences after 1823.

It gives two direct quotations from the period, pushing in opposite directions: the one from Halifax, which you've cited, and the one from Blackstone. (The Halifax quote is extensively listed in dictionaries of quotations.) Unfortunately, I cannot find Halifax' On Punishment online, so I can't check the context. The claim that he's summarising the official contemporary theory seems to me unfounded.

The quotation from Blackstone on the other hand describes the laws as stating that felonious acts are 'worthy of instant death', which looks to me as if Blackstone thought they expressed a retributive sentiment. I would certainly take Blackstone as authoritatively expounding the official justification for eighteenth century English law. (The article gives no citation for Blackstone - I believe it's Commentaries on the Laws of England, Book IV Chapter 1.) (Blackstone thinks the profusion of capital offences unwise, and in my judgement of the relevant passage uses largely deterrent arguments to this effect.)
I concede you've provided more evidence that you had done. It's not worth much, but it's a little better than nothing. Obviously it's not enough to give anyone 'any familiarity' since it's totally insufficient to establish your point.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:

Having a violent hatred of left-handers is completely unjustified. So is having a violent hatred of blacks. Neither provides any sort of reason or excuse for a criminal attack.

Agreed. And the same can be said of many other characteristics against which an irrational violent hatred could conceivably be directed.

quote:
The person being attacked is, in either case, wholly innocent, and deserving of protection. Both are highly blame-worthy motives.
Agree that attacking someone who is wholly innocent is highly blameworthy.

As you pointed out, in the case of football supporters, it is reasonable to distinguish
- victims who were minding their own business in complete innocence, doing nothing more than wearing the scarf
- victims whose body language proclaimed that they were up for a fight and whose loud proclamation of the score achieved by their victorious team could be taken as a provocation to supporters of the losing team
and all shades in between.

quote:
Violence against black people does objectively more harm to us than violence against left-handers.

Therefore racial violence is, for us, the more serious matter because it is at least as morally wrong as handedness violence, but more harmful...

...in the real world, attacking some groups contributes to serious social problems, whereas other forms of irrational violence do not to anything like the same extent.

Yes, racial violence is as far as I know much more common than handedness violence. And yes this larger number of crimes is naturally a greater concern.

But it does not seem to immediately follow that an additional one crime of one type is therefore a bigger deal than an extra one crime of the other type. If we're considering the incidence of one type increasing from 1 to 2 versus the incidence of the other increasing from 2001 to 2002, it's not obvious that the latter increase has a greater impact on public perception of how safe the streets are. So at one level the "greater harm" argument is clearly false; at another level you may have a valid point but you haven't spelled it out.

Don't get me wrong; fear of crime is a serious issue. If it's proven in court that the activities of a particular gang have caused the fear of crime locally to increase, then I agree that the sentence should reflect this, alongside the severity of the physical and psychological injuries to the direct victim(s).

Intent is important; provable or intended wider harm seems a legitimate aggravating factor. But you want something more...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Another baby step then.
Hate crime cause more damage because they threaten more than just the individual being attacked. And they cause an additional level of fear in the person being attacked.
how an Irishman cannot see this is fairly puzzling.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Lengths of sentences are based on harm done. Hate crimes cause more harm than the same crime without the hate. Simples.

Where is the proof of any of that? Where is the proof that a victim of a hate crime suffers more harm or has more fear afterward? I would think those elements would depend far more on the psychological health of the victim than whether or not he belongs to a particular group. You're saying that a black man, beaten up by a group of white racists is going to feel more fearful in the future than a white man beaten up by a group of other whites? I don't see why that's going to make much difference, I think anyone who has been beaten will be more fearful in the future.
 
Posted by mousethief (# 953) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Lengths of sentences are based on harm done. Hate crimes cause more harm than the same crime without the hate. Simples.

Where is the proof of any of that? Where is the proof that a victim of a hate crime suffers more harm or has more fear afterward? I would think those elements would depend far more on the psychological health of the victim than whether or not he belongs to a particular group. You're saying that a black man, beaten up by a group of white racists is going to feel more fearful in the future than a white man beaten up by a group of other whites? I don't see why that's going to make much difference, I think anyone who has been beaten will be more fearful in the future.
The victim of battery is not the only one whom the haters are trying to instill fear in.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Yes, the law does not simply consider harm done to victims. For example, people who are killed end up equally dead, but the law does not treat them equivalently. You can compare a soldier who kills someone in combat, and who goes home and throttles his wife. Both dead people are equally dead, but the killings may be treated differently. And in English law, all manner of factors may be adduced, both as aggravation and mitigation. As to how these factors are arrived at, I don't think there is a common or simple generator.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Yes, the law does not simply consider harm done to victims. For example, people who are killed end up equally dead, but the law does not treat them equivalently. You can compare a soldier who kills someone in combat, and who goes home and throttles his wife. Both dead people are equally dead, but the killings may be treated differently. And in English law, all manner of factors may be adduced, both as aggravation and mitigation. As to how these factors are arrived at, I don't think there is a common or simple generator.

The soldier who kills in combat is not breaking the law and he knows that in advance of his action. I can't see how that relates to our conversation at all. Hate crimes take crimes that are already against the law and add extra charges depending on who the victim is. Yes there are lots of mitigating circumstances in law but adding in physical characteristics of the victim seem to me to be taking things into a lack of equal treatment under the law far beyond considerations of motive or intent.

I wouldn't charge a person who accidentally ran over a pedestrian with murder, but I would charge him with murder if he ran over him deliberately. to me, that's what meant by intent.

To charge him with extra time for intending to kill a gay person than for intending to kill a straight person seems unreasonable to me.

I can't agree with Mousethief that we can assume that the murderer intends to strike fear in the hearts of gay people everywhere and doesn't just hate the pedestrian in front of him at the moment.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:


But suppose I'm a black man in a society where racial violence is common. I can't trade in my skin as I would my scarf. I can't associate my racial identity with only the certain times and places I'd ideally like to set aside for some leisure activity. In order to feel the ordinary degree of security other people take for granted, I'm going to have to be watching my back all the time. I'll probably want to stay in mostly-black areas, avoid taking jobs that would mean putting my physical safety at risk, be wary and suspicious around white men unless I'm with friends and we out-number them, and tend to define myself and my interests against the people who daily threaten the security of myself and my family.

I'm white. Almost certainly I'll never have to live like that. That doesn't mean I can't see that those are natural consequences of racial violence, and that they are life-affecting, even for people who are not direct victims. That's why the harm caused is worse.



Suppose you're a white woman in a society where violence against women is common. You can't trade in your gender. You'll always be physically weaker and slower than half of society, the half that is most likely to prey on your kind. You would be afraid to take certain jobs or to walk alone in certain areas.

That's part of being a woman and they are life-affecting. Yet, the man who attacks a woman on the street and steals her purse will not be charged with a hate crime.

Because you think the harm caused to someone else is more harmful than to her.

My son is white, he is not visibly disabled, he is not gay, yet he has been badly beat up several times, bad enough to have to go to the hospital. It is a factor in his being extremely fearful, almost all the time. Yet you don't think he has suffered much harm, not like certain other people who you have selected to feel sympathetic toward.

That you have decided that it is morally worse to hurt some able bodied adults than others and have set yourself up as the judge as to which is which just amazes me.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I would certainly take Blackstone as authoritatively expounding the official justification for eighteenth century English law.

You are desperately trying to demonstrate that eighteenth century legal theory was retributive rather than deterrent, and you just can’t do it.

All the jurists you have mentioned so far believed in deterrence, including Blackstone, who believed in consequences of crime “as appear to be the best calculated to answer the end of precaution against future offences”.

In Australia, eighteenth century penal policy is highly relevant to the nation’s origins as a convict colony, and you won’t find a single historian who disputes the fact that transportation in its legal (as opposed to economic and strategic) aspect was primarily deterrent.

The Wikipedia article Convicts In Australia states quite explicitly under the subheading Reasons For Transportation (which is entirely functional, and contains no mention of justice or retribution) that “lawmakers…wanted punishments to deter potential criminals”
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:

That's part of being a woman and they are life-affecting. Yet, the man who attacks a woman on the street and steals her purse will not be charged with a hate crime.

Because you think the harm caused to someone else is more harmful than to her.

Generally speaking, a man who harms a woman will receive a longer sentence than a man who harms a man.
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:

My son is white, he is not visibly disabled, he is not gay, yet he has been badly beat up several times, bad enough to have to go to the hospital. It is a factor in his being extremely fearful, almost all the time. Yet you don't think he has suffered much harm, not like certain other people who you have selected to feel sympathetic toward.

From what you have described, he has suffered much. This should be a factor in the prosecution of those who do this to him, the law in most countries allows for this.
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:

That you have decided that it is morally worse to hurt some able bodied adults than others and have set yourself up as the judge as to which is which just amazes me.

I think you misunderstand. Your son being attacked is horrible. The difference is that an attack on him is on one person. Hate crimes cover attacks which affect entire groups. An attack on him, horrible as it is, will not strike fear in the white, male community. This sounds cold and heartless, but it is not meant so.
This does not in any way, shape or form lessen the pain he has endured.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
One point about women being attacked, is that in English law, Parliament could decide to add women as a group, to hate crime laws, if they chose. I think that they have recently added the disabled; also vulnerable victims may be protected under current law.

I think the interesting thing about soldiers is that they don't have carte blanche to kill; they have a very tightly restricted set of conditions attached, even in combat, (rules of engagement).
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mousethief:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Lengths of sentences are based on harm done. Hate crimes cause more harm than the same crime without the hate. Simples.

Where is the proof of any of that? Where is the proof that a victim of a hate crime suffers more harm or has more fear afterward? I would think those elements would depend far more on the psychological health of the victim than whether or not he belongs to a particular group. You're saying that a black man, beaten up by a group of white racists is going to feel more fearful in the future than a white man beaten up by a group of other whites? I don't see why that's going to make much difference, I think anyone who has been beaten will be more fearful in the future.
The victim of battery is not the only one whom the haters are trying to instill fear in.
It seems to me that virtually all of Twilight's arguments on this thread are based entirely on requiring the individual victim to be looked at as an individual.

Which is understandable. But the simple fact is that laws, when they're being made, are completely incapable of dealing with individuals. They can ONLY deal with classes of people.

Sentencing, on the other hand, can deal with individual people.

But at the level of law-making, what are our law-makers supposed to do? Is it really right to say that they simply cannot send any signals whatsoever when faced with a problem that affects one bit of society more than another? Can they NEVER address racial attacks or gay-bashing?

Twilight and Russ and Kaplan Corday might have a problem with preferential treatment. I would rather have that problem than the reverse one, though, of insisting that the law be SO blind that it just doesn't acknowledge what's actually happening in a society.

[ 01. March 2015, 07:00: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
The recent deadly attacks on Jews in Europe by jihadists show how hate crime is similar to terrorism; many Jewish people have felt intimidated by these attacks. Thus, the crime extends beyond the individual, and is particularly abhorrent to society.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
The recent deadly attacks on Jews in Europe by jihadists show how hate crime is similar to terrorism; many Jewish people have felt intimidated by these attacks. Thus, the crime extends beyond the individual, and is particularly abhorrent to society.

Well, it is in fact arguable that the peer group of Twilight's son might end up feeling nervous as a result of what's happened to Twilight's son if they share characteristics that were factors in him being assaulted (although we haven't been given nearly enough context about what's happened and why to know this).

The problem is that it's impossible for a law to be crafted to protect "peers of Twilight's son" in a meaningful way. It's not a category that can be worked with. We'd have to identify an attribute of Twilight's son and Twilight's peers, or something else about the context of attacks, that could actually be put into a law.

But yes, the basic principle is: X was attacked, this characteristic of X was a factor in X being attacked, I share that characteristic with X, therefore I'm worried I might be attacked as well.

And our lawmakers decide in some cases to respond. Whether they do or not depends on a whole range of things. It's an art, not a science.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Does it mean that those against hate crime laws would record the recent attacks on Jews in Europe as, 'a man was killed in a Paris supermarket'? Presumably, the anti-semitic nature of the crimes would be passed over?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
In short, aren't the opponents of hate crime having their cake, and eating it? I mean that they seem to be saying that the identity of a victim should be irrelevant in law? So vulnerability as an aggravating factor should also be discounted? If a soldier kills a civilian, this is irrelevant? Anti-semitic attacks will not be recorded? This seems to amount to a different legal system.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This seems to amount to a different legal system.

While I can follow the logic in the anti-hate-crime-legislation arguments, I don't understand how they can't see that they are proposing a very different basis for a legal system than the one we have.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This seems to amount to a different legal system.

While I can follow the logic in the anti-hate-crime-legislation arguments, I don't understand how they can't see that they are proposing a very different basis for a legal system than the one we have.
My point is that they don't follow the logic right through. They seem to accept some types of aggravation and mitigation, but not others.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
But it does not seem to immediately follow that an additional one crime of one type is therefore a bigger deal than an extra one crime of the other type. If we're considering the incidence of one type increasing from 1 to 2 versus the incidence of the other increasing from 2001 to 2002, it's not obvious that the latter increase has a greater impact on public perception of how safe the streets are. So at one level the "greater harm" argument is clearly false; at another level you may have a valid point but you haven't spelled it out.

It's about contribution to a serious social problem.

You can be a nutter who goes around attacking people with green eyes, or long beards, size 12 shoes, or whatever characteristic you decide irrationally to hate, and this will be horrible for your victims, but you cannot reasonably hope to polarise society and marginalise whole groups by your actions. It ought also to be true that I could add “has dark skin” to the list of trivially important characteristics that only idiosyncratic idiocy could ever see as a reason for hostility, but in the real world I can't. In the real world, people are attacked for no better reason than skin colour, and stupid thought this is, it happens often enough to create serious social problems. Contributing to that problem means that there is an additional layer of harm that is associated with some types of unjustifiable violence and not others.

Why is this hard to understand?

quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Suppose you're a white woman in a society where violence against women is common. You can't trade in your gender. You'll always be physically weaker and slower than half of society, the half that is most likely to prey on your kind. You would be afraid to take certain jobs or to walk alone in certain areas.

That's part of being a woman and they are life-affecting. Yet, the man who attacks a woman on the street and steals her purse will not be charged with a hate crime.

Because you think the harm caused to someone else is more harmful than to her.

Are you intentionally misrepresenting me? Can you show me anything I have said on this thread to suggest that I think that?

I cannot imagine why you think that my views on hate crime generally would not apply to crimes motivated by hate against women.

If you are talking about the effect of non-hate crime on women generally, I haven't even attempted to grade, say, hate-motivated racial violence against greed-motivated street robbery. OK – I concede that violent robbery of physically vulnerable people is a serious offence that can cause fear and anxiety even in people who are not victims that is comparable to some hate crimes. What bearing does that have on hate crime legislation? No one's suggesting that hate crimes are worse than absolutely all other crime or that hate is the only aggravating factor that the law should notice.

quote:
My son is white, he is not visibly disabled, he is not gay, yet he has been badly beat up several times, bad enough to have to go to the hospital. It is a factor in his being extremely fearful, almost all the time. Yet you don't think he has suffered much harm, not like certain other people who you have selected to feel sympathetic toward.
Please. What a stupid thing to say.

quote:
That you have decided that it is morally worse to hurt some able bodied adults than others and have set yourself up as the judge as to which is which just amazes me.
Obviously its worse to attack some able-bodied adults than others. I mean, that point scarcely has to be argued, it is so clearly part of a common moral intuition.

Take these potential candidates for assault:

A. Someone whom I've just discovered has raped my daughter;

B. Someone whom I've just discovered is having affair with my wife;

C. Someone who's spray-painted my wall and is running away;

D. Someone whom I think might be looking at me in a scornful way;

E. Someone who's skin colour I have taken exception to.

Does anyone seriously doubt that I've listed those people in approximately the order of the increasing moral blameworthiness of acting on the temptation to punch them? It may be that all of them object equally to being punched, and are hurt equally by being punched, but if you have any moral intuition at all, you don't think that all five potential assaults are morally equivalent. Most ordinarily moral people would find it hard to think any the worse of a person who attacked victim A, and find it hard to think much good at all of someone who attacked victim E.

If you disagree, fine, but as mdijon has said, if you disagree with the law making that sort of distinctions, you are asking for a radically different criminal justice system to anything we currently have.
 
Posted by LeRoc (# 3216) on :
 
What's perhaps interesting is that a term in Dutch that is more or less equivalent to 'Hate Crime' is Misdaad tegen de maatschappij ('Crime against society').

Suppose that someone commits arson in a Mosque, and we know he did it as an attack against Muslims (for example through his Facebook postings). Not only has he damaged property, but he has also tried to hurt the ties that bind us together as various groups in this country. Usually, the judge will take this into account when determining the severity of the punishment.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by LeRoc:
What's perhaps interesting is that a term in Dutch that is more or less equivalent to 'Hate Crime' is Misdaad tegen de maatschappij ('Crime against society').

Suppose that someone commits arson in a Mosque, and we know he did it as an attack against Muslims (for example through his Facebook postings). Not only has he damaged property, but he has also tried to hurt the ties that bind us together as various groups in this country. Usually, the judge will take this into account when determining the severity of the punishment.

Yes, I keep thinking of the Jewish people recently killed in parts of Europe. Presumably, those who are anti hate crime laws would say that their Jewish identity should not be considered by police or law courts. Srsly?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
I am curious also as to how those opposed to hate crime laws view terrorism legislation. To my (layman's) mind, they are connected, since both deal with attacks which are designed to cause fear, either in a group, or in society at large.

In other words, they are both forms of violence with a 'message'.

So is terrorism legislation unfair?
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I would certainly take Blackstone as authoritatively expounding the official justification for eighteenth century English law.

You are desperately trying to demonstrate that eighteenth century legal theory was retributive rather than deterrent, and you just can’t do it.
It is words like 'desperately' here that make me reluctant to concede you even half a point.
You are of course quite right that I have only established that eighteenth century legal theory was retributive by omission - by the fact that Beccaria was notable in denying that there was a retributive element to it.
Unfortunately, the wikipedia entries on penology are equally as badly written as the one on the Bloody Code that you linked to, and the Stanford Philosophical Encyclopaedia entries on Punishment don't discuss the history of the competing concepts. John Locke justifies punishment on the rights of self-defence, which I think counts broadly as deterrent.
So I think the preponderance of the available evidence, though slight counts towards your claim that most eighteenth century theorists used deterrent justifications. The problem is that I can't find any primary source, or evidenced secondary source, defending death penalties for property crimes.

On the other hand, you also made the following claim:
quote:
The ones defending the death penalty for minor property crimes were the ones who thought it was a deterrent, and they were wrong.
This I think is not supportable. The legal reformers in Britain were all deterrence theorists. Kant seems to be the only major writer to outright reject deterrent theories; unlike the pure deterrence theorists, who largely want to abolish capital punishment altogether, he remains committed to the use of the death penalty for murder. I believe Kant had little influence on English law.
If I concede desperately that there is some slight evidence that the draconian punishments were justified on primarily deterrent grounds, I also maintain just as desperately that the evidence that deterrent theories ameliorated draconian penalties is far stronger.

quote:
In Australia, eighteenth century penal policy is highly relevant to the nation’s origins as a convict colony, and you won’t find a single historian who disputes the fact that transportation in its legal (as opposed to economic and strategic) aspect was primarily deterrent.
I thought we were discussing the death penalty, rather than transportation.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
If I concede desperately...

It is the little touches like this that make it worthwhile.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Originally posted by Eliab:

quote:
Please. What a stupid thing to say.
Trust me, I understand the frustration, but I'm not certain this advances understanding.
In any discussion on the advantages/disadvantages of race, there will always be those in the privileged group who feel no benefit of that privilege. It can be difficult to seperate that out.
It can be very hard to see the dispassionate, general argument through the veil of personal pain.
Personally, I think stupid is an appellation better applied to the arguments of the other two.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
I actually think being disabled ought to be a protected characteristic. I don't know what Eliab thinks about that but he certainly didn't indicate otherwise.

People who are disabled are often targeted and there have been well reported and particularly vile instances in the UK that were overlooked by police and social services for far too long. I believe disability hate crime is now part of UK legislation.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
But it does not seem to immediately follow that an additional one crime of one type is therefore a bigger deal than an extra one crime of the other type. If we're considering the incidence of one type increasing from 1 to 2 versus the incidence of the other increasing from 2001 to 2002, it's not obvious that the latter increase has a greater impact on public perception of how safe the streets are. So at one level the "greater harm" argument is clearly false; at another level you may have a valid point but you haven't spelled it out.

I don't see why the one additional crime is the appropriate level to consider. (That looks rather like the voter paradox.) The effect of each crime is as part of the wider pattern, and therefore each crimes shares responsibility as an intended contribution to the wider pattern.
While the individual crime is the appropriate unit for the prosecution and judiciary, the legislature considers all the crimes at once.

quote:
Intent is important; provable or intended wider harm seems a legitimate aggravating factor. But you want something more...

Suppose a thug sees a black man walking down the street and hassles him for being in this part of town, or looking at a white woman in the wrong kind of way, or hassles a gay man for holding hands, or wearing an AIDS ribbon, and the hassling turns into a beating. There is no need to attribute an explicit campaign to intimidate black people or gay people as a group into accepting an inferior position, or behaving in a certain way, to attribute intent to intimidate the wider group here. The motive behind the attack is exactly that members of minorities that transgress certain codes should be punished, and the intent is therefore to impose such a code.

I'm really not sure what grounds you have for thinking something more is wanted.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I thought we were discussing the death penalty, rather than transportation.

We are discussing the deterrence theory of punishment with particular reference to the eighteenth century English legal system.

Juries, like politicians, jurists and judges, believed in deterrence, but with the proliferation of death penalties for property crimes, which were seen as too severe, became reluctant to bring in guilty verdicts.

Transportation was brought in to provide a major deterrent which stopped short of death.

One of the reasons for the abolition of transportation was Australia's economic development, especially with the gold rushes of the 1850s, which made the threat of transportation seem less and less of a deterrent.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
So is terrorism legislation unfair?

Debatable at the very least, as the controversy over such legislation in the USA, Australia and elsewhere demonstrates.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Trust me, I understand the frustration, but I'm not certain this advances understanding.
In any discussion on the advantages/disadvantages of race, there will always be those in the privileged group who feel no benefit of that privilege. It can be difficult to seperate that out.
It can be very hard to see the dispassionate, general argument through the veil of personal pain.

What I thought was stupid about the comment was introducing an example of a victim of violent crime, about which I have expressed no view because I knew nothing about it, and then attributing a ludicrous opinion about it to me, which not even the most imaginative exercise of charity can persuade me could be considered a remotely reasonable inference from anything I have ever said.

It's impossible to argue with comments that absurd.


I agree with mdijon that "disabled" should be a protected category for hate crime purposes - though it is a more difficult category than most to define. Not all conditions that are rightly seen as "disabilities" for the purpose of providing fair employment rights or reasonable access to public services are conditions which cause the person concerned to self-identify as "disabled", or increase the likelihood of attracting hate. Knowing whether an attack is motivated by disability-hate is probably harder than knowing whether it's about race-hate. But as matter of principle, disability-hate can certainly be seen as hate crime.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Another baby step then.
Hate crime cause more damage because they threaten more than just the individual being attacked. And they cause an additional level of fear in the person being attacked.
how an Irishman cannot see this is fairly puzzling.

You seem to be suggesting that there are two sorts of groups of people:
- groups where any crime committed against any member for a cause relating to the common characteristic of the group causes a significant level of fear in other members of the group
- groups where such an attack causes no significant level of fear in other members.

Ethnic minorities and sexual minorities you place in the first category. Left-handers, shy people who wear glasses, fat people, ugly people, socially-awkward people you place in the second category.

So if a schoolboy gets beaten up or a woman's car gets vandalised because that individual is believed to be gay, that's a hate crime because of the fear that this instills in the hearts of all the gay people who hear if it. But if a schoolboy gets beaten up because he's a shy nerd who wears glasses, you assume that this has no impact on all the other shy nerds who wear glasses. And if a woman's car gets vandalised because she's the sort of lonely eccentric old woman who in past times might have been burnt as a witch, then this has no impact at all on the other single old women who hear of it.

Not sure which category you put Irishmen in... Or the elderly, or the disabled.

Is this the argument you're putting ? And if so, is it based on any evidence that the relationship between level of crime and fear of crime is any different between the two groups ? Or is it just that you've been taught to think about some sets of people in a political way and others not ?

Not doubting that there is fear of crime. But doubting the proposition that the wider impact is automatically significant in one case and not the other.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
what are our law-makers supposed to do? Is it really right to say that they simply cannot send any signals whatsoever when faced with a problem that affects one bit of society more than another? Can they NEVER address racial attacks or gay-bashing?

And if some future government in the UK or elsewhere decides that the urgent problem that the country faces is a Jewish problem or an immigrant problem, and wishes to "send a signal" that these people don't belong (or perhaps should leave now before a more final solution is found ?) will you still be speaking up for the right of politicians to set aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims ?

Or is this a "breaking the rules is OK if you're the good guys" type of argument ?
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
You seem to be suggesting that there are two sorts of groups of people:
- groups where any crime committed against any member for a cause relating to the common characteristic of the group causes a significant level of fear in other members of the group

You doubt these groups exists?

quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

- groups where such an attack causes no significant level of fear in other members.

People fear attacks if they think they have a reasonable chance of being targeted. In any large metropolitan area, attacks happen daily and yet to most people, they are background noise.

quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

Ethnic minorities and sexual minorities you place in the first category. Left-handers, shy people who wear glasses, fat people, ugly people, socially-awkward people you place in the second category.

Yes. Because despite the ill-treatment of some of the second category, they have not been systematically targeted in the same way.

quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

So if a schoolboy gets beaten up or a woman's car gets vandalised because that individual is believed to be gay, that's a hate crime because of the fear that this instills in the hearts of all the gay people who hear if it. But if a schoolboy gets beaten up because he's a shy nerd who wears glasses, you assume that this has no impact on all the other shy nerds who wear glasses. And if a woman's car gets vandalised because she's the sort of lonely eccentric old woman who in past times might have been burnt as a witch, then this has no impact at all on the other single old women who hear of it.

These are people targeted because they appear vulnerable. And once again the law allows for differential in sentencing due to this factor.
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

Not sure which category you put Irishmen in...

In the category of groups systemically treated more poorly merely for who they are.

Another difference is that the categories you name affect across all groups.
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
What I thought was stupid about the comment was introducing an example of a victim of violent crime, about which I have expressed no view because I knew nothing about it, and then attributing a ludicrous opinion about it to me,

No, I get this. Remember, I am included in this the same as you. I do not agree that it is a reasonable counter but, perhaps, I am over-reacting to her pain


quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:

It's impossible to argue with comments that absurd.

And yet we continue to engage with KC and Russ. Both are using comparatives that really aren't comparable. And one is resorting to time-travel, even.
 
Posted by mousethief (# 953) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
what are our law-makers supposed to do? Is it really right to say that they simply cannot send any signals whatsoever when faced with a problem that affects one bit of society more than another? Can they NEVER address racial attacks or gay-bashing?

And if some future government in the UK or elsewhere decides that the urgent problem that the country faces is a Jewish problem or an immigrant problem, and wishes to "send a signal" that these people don't belong (or perhaps should leave now before a more final solution is found ?) will you still be speaking up for the right of politicians to set aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims ?

Or is this a "breaking the rules is OK if you're the good guys" type of argument ?

Seriously? You're equating the government trying to stop the targeting of minorities with the government targeting a minority? That's crazy talk.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
what are our law-makers supposed to do? Is it really right to say that they simply cannot send any signals whatsoever when faced with a problem that affects one bit of society more than another? Can they NEVER address racial attacks or gay-bashing?

And if some future government in the UK or elsewhere decides that the urgent problem that the country faces is a Jewish problem or an immigrant problem, and wishes to "send a signal" that these people don't belong (or perhaps should leave now before a more final solution is found ?) will you still be speaking up for the right of politicians to set aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims ?

Or is this a "breaking the rules is OK if you're the good guys" type of argument ?

Depends on whether you're talking about legal rules or moral ones. Do you want my professional opinion or my personal one?
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
I don't understand what rules are supposed to be that are being broken. Are these the rules that say justice must be administered without reference to the victim?

That murder of a policeman, a jealous cuckolded husband, a drinking partner after a heavy night and a vulnerable disabled man in a hate-motivated attack must all be treated the same?

It seems to me those arguing in favour of hate-crime legislation are not arguing for breaking any rules that are not already thoroughly broken throughout the justice systems we live in.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
I actually do find the harsher treatment of people who kill police officers to be kind of odd. Arguably they can defend themselves better than people who don't have special training. Is it supposed to be some sort of "resisting arrest" penalty add-on? [Confused]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by ChastMastr:
I actually do find the harsher treatment of people who kill police officers to be kind of odd. Arguably they can defend themselves better than people who don't have special training. Is it supposed to be some sort of "resisting arrest" penalty add-on? [Confused]

This has two parts, I think.
One is that an attack on a police officer is an attack on society.
Two it is an attack on the system that is assigning penalties.

[ 02. March 2015, 04:08: Message edited by: lilBuddha ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
I don't understand what rules are supposed to be that are being broken. Are these the rules that say justice must be administered without reference to the victim?

Yes. Discussing that was probably going to be part of my answer either way.

It's said in anti-discrimination law that discrimination can either result from taking irrelevant distinctions into account, or from failing to take relevant distinctions into account.

And I think that any notion of "justice" has to deal with that as well.

We seem to have people insisting that justice consists of not taking irrelevant distinctions between victims into account. The chief problem is, no-one's really explained just why these distinctions ARE irrelevant ones rather than relevant ones. It's just being asserted.

I've also got a fair bit more I could say about just what does and doesn't control the laws that can be made, but I'll wait to see whether Russ is interested.

[ 02. March 2015, 04:15: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:
I don't understand what rules are supposed to be that are being broken. Are these the rules that say justice must be administered without reference to the victim?

That murder of a policeman, a jealous cuckolded husband, a drinking partner after a heavy night and a vulnerable disabled man in a hate-motivated attack must all be treated the same?

It seems to me those arguing in favour of hate-crime legislation are not arguing for breaking any rules that are not already thoroughly broken throughout the justice systems we live in.

Yes, I find this baffling. Are the antis proposing to treat all assaults, or all killings, as equivalent? Maybe they don't mean this - then what do they mean?
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:

Yes, I find this baffling. Are the antis proposing to treat all assaults, or all killings, as equivalent? Maybe they don't mean this - then what do they mean?

Well, I don't mean this. I think things like whether the crime was racially motivated or motivated by greed or revenge or passion, can and should be considered, but only by the judge and jury as the motivation is presented in court.

It's the naming of the crime as a separate type with longer sentencing from the very first that bothers me. It's charging someone with a particular type of crime that demands an extra penalty even before all things are considered. It's listing a certain type of crime right in there with first degree murder, second degree murder, manslaughter, burglary, robbery, etc. that, unlike these others, indicates a difference based on the physical traits of the victim.

All my life I've been taught and believed that it is wrong to judge people based on their color, religion, sexual preference.

For example, I knew it was terribly wrong to make people of one color go to a different school than people of another color. I knew it was wrong to deny someone a job based on their color. These things changed for the better in my lifetime. I thought we were working toward a color-blind society.

Now, with, hate crimes, we're suddenly told that we should be more aware of color. That our justice should not be blind but should consider color when a crime is committed.

It's the 21st Century for God's sake. Great anthropologists like Leaky have told us there is no such thing as race. More and more families are racially mixed so that it's harder and harder to even use those vague superficial determinants of who is white and who is black. We really were on our way to a society where children grew up undefined by, and unaware of, such pointless descriptions as "races."

Then here comes Hate Crime laws and speeches about White privilege all meant to make us more race conscience, meant to set us back fifty years so that even before anything else is known, the criminal is going to get more time for killing a person of one race than for a killing a person of another race.

We will never get anywhere with this endless counting by color. It's all about a greater percentage of black men in prison than white men, or 70% of black women having illegitimate births verses, 27% of white women depending on which biased group wants to use statistics for their own rant. These numbers are almost always driven by economics but someone always wants to make it about race and it won't be corrected by making corrections based on race.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
I think things like whether the crime was racially motivated or motivated by greed or revenge or passion, can and should be considered, but only by the judge and jury as the motivation is presented in court.

I continue to not understand why, or exactly what you mean by this.

Because if you simply leave it to the judge, what guarantee do you have that they will actually consider the factor in the same way in different cases?

(To the jury it SHOULD be irrelevant. It might not be, but it should be.)

If you have no rule that says "a crime motivated by greed is worse than one not motivated by greed", then what guarantee do you have that in one case the presence of greed won't be taken into account and the crime deemed worse, but in a second case the presence of greed will be treated as irrelevant?

And if juries start taking it into their head to care about such things, you have absolutely no guarantee against jury number one saying "his motives were understandable, we'll find him not guilty" but jury number two saying "nope, motive doesn't matter, he committed the crime so we'll find him guilty".

How is that more just?

Judges establish some kinds of rules over time by precedent. I continue to find it difficult to understand why you're fine with that but not fine with someone writing it down.

[ 02. March 2015, 11:32: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
ADDENDUM: Ask everybody here on the Ship to tell you which of greed, revenge or passion deserves the heaviest sentence and which the lightest, and I bet you'll get all 6 possible rankings.

That is what leaving things purely to be considered in the individual case does. There IS no such thing as an objective ranking of factors such that we will all, without external instruction, look at a case and agree on the appropriate sentence, or look at a bunch of cases and agree on a ranking from best to worst.

[ 02. March 2015, 11:37: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Sorry for posting several times in a row, but I just had a completely different thought.

Some of the posts basically read as if people think Parliament has no business creating crimes in the first place. As if the only crimes that can be on the books are the old ones that the common law came up with.

Does anyone actually think that? Or is it just that people are dealing with things like murder or assault because those are the crimes they know about?

Because I have to say, the proposition that Parliament can't create new offences would be pretty worrying and startling. And if Parliament can indeed create new offences, it feels like the objection here is basically "you're not allowed to create a new crime that looks too similar to one we already have". Which doesn't look like any kind of limitation on power I'm familiar with.

Even your 'basic' crimes have pretty all been modified by legislators in some way or another. They change the rules about sex so that there's an age limit on consent and so that it's possible for a rape to occur in marriage, instead of a husband and wife having given permanent consent to sex. Is that not okay? Is it wrong for Parliament to fiddle with law like that? And rape requires penetration. Is it not okay to have sexual assault laws to cover the situations without penetration?

I just don't get the basis of this vague notion that there's something wrong with setting out some stuff about outcomes in advance of individual cases, because that's fundamentally what every law does, not just criminal laws.

I spend my entire working life setting out the consequences of events in advance of the actual events. I set up schemes that say a certain kind of person can apply for something, and then I tell someone else they have to consider the application and I tell them how long they've got and what they must take into account and what they may take into account, and what they have to do once they've made a decision, etc etc etc. Most of you probably don't even think about the sheer number of processes that you take part in that take their shape from words written by someone like me.

So it makes no sense to me that there's a problem when the same shaping happens in criminal law. When Parliament tells police "this is what someone can be charged with". When it tells a prosecutor "these are the things you must prove". When it tells a judge "if the charge is proved, these are your sentencing options".
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
I wonder also if there is a clash here between some kind of objective moral framework, in which crimes are somehow fixed categories, as opposed to a more relativistic morality, where our notions of law and crime evolve? I am just reading a biog of Henry VIII, when the queen's adultery was classed as treason. Maybe that would be different today!

I must admit to still being baffled.

I wonder if the antis are also agin anti-discrimination laws?
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
It's listing a certain type of crime right in there with first degree murder, second degree murder, manslaughter, burglary, robbery, etc. that, unlike these others, indicates a difference based on the physical traits of the victim.

I think we've covered that actually it isn't the physical traits of the victim, it's the motivation of the attacker that is considered. Homophobic murders have been committed against people who turned out to be straight, for instance.

quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
We really were on our way to a society where children grew up undefined by, and unaware of, such pointless descriptions as "races."

Then here comes Hate Crime laws and speeches about White privilege...

We talked about revisionist history early - this really is as revisionist as it gets. Sure, slavery and Jim Crow were abolished but the idea that we were on the cusp of race-free utopia until hate crime legislation came along is crazy.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
And we're still getting the old chestnut, that hate crime is based on physical characteristics. I give up.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Twilight,

The progress towards racial parity is not a single path with an easy measure. Gains, losses and stagnation affect the overall progression.
Comparing a then and now can appear as though the struggle has been all progress, but this is inaccurate.
That it is better does not mean that it is yet near where it should be.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
You seem to be suggesting that there are two sorts of groups of people:
- groups where any crime committed against any member for a cause relating to the common characteristic of the group causes a significant level of fear in other members of the group
- groups where such an attack causes no significant level of fear in other members.

Ethnic minorities and sexual minorities you place in the first category. Left-handers, shy people who wear glasses, fat people, ugly people, socially-awkward people you place in the second category.

Speaking as a shy socially awkward person who wears glasses, I do not feel myself at any particular risk of violence or discrimination. I really don't think it's comparable with the risks of gay-bashing.
No doubt there's a continuum rather than a sharp dividing line, and legislation against hate crimes should take that into account. But it's silly to imply that somehow gay people face no more risk of violence than people in glasses.

For what it's worth, I was once heckled on the street for wearing an AIDS ribbon.

quote:
will you still be speaking up for the right of politicians to set aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims ?
The idea that advocating legislation against hate crimes is setting aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims contains so many questionable if not silly assumptions that I'm not sure where to start.
Advocates of legislation against hate crimes typically think that legislation against hate crimes is just. (See thread passim.)
Justice is a political aim. In any sense of political aim relevant to this conversation, it's arguably the only political aim.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Then here comes Hate Crime laws and speeches about White privilege all meant to make us more race conscience, meant to set us back fifty years so that even before anything else is known, the criminal is going to get more time for killing a person of one race than for a killing a person of another race.

We will never get anywhere with this endless counting by color. It's all about a greater percentage of black men in prison than white men, or 70% of black women having illegitimate births verses, 27% of white women depending on which biased group wants to use statistics for their own rant. These numbers are almost always driven by economics but someone always wants to make it about race and it won't be corrected by making corrections based on race.

The counting by color shows that there's already a set of biases in the justice system and society at large. One approach is to ignore it and shout la-la-la it's un unbiased mechanism and that's just economics.

The reality is by looking at results, you can see what is a nominally an impartial system isn't in practice. Everyone has a right to defend themselves in court, only that requires a lawyer to do so effectively. A lot of poor people can't afford lawyers so there's meager funding for public defenders. This is a practical accommodation to the reality that if it's not done the poor are usually denied justice. Feel free to shout that this is unfair to rich people because it divides people into two economic classes. You'll be laughed at.


Your theory that there was a period of racial equality that is now being ruined by laws which target certain classes is ahistorical. In the U.S. The first laws to get passed by Black people were the anti-lynching laws. This dealt with a common violence that was very largely directed toward Blacks and the occasional Jew. Was this remedy a violation of your desired progress toward blind equality?


I'm fascinated to learn that the great disparity between violence toward gay people because they are gay, and violence toward straight people because they are straight is somehow due to economics. This is nonsense.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
The U.S. never passed anti-lynching laws. I am going to post a link which is worksafe, but contains very disturbing images.
Wikipedia lynch law page.
What turned the tide was civil rights legislation. Which, in regards to lynching, was adding an additional penalty to something already illegal.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
And we're still getting the old chestnut, that hate crime is based on physical characteristics. I give up.

Oh you don't really want to give up do you? Not when you can "wonder," if the anti's are against anti-discrimination laws and be baffled by stuff. Why not just wonder if we're all racists and be done with it?

Tell me this, when someone is charged with a hate crime after beating up an African American while screaming that they hate black people, what would you call that if physical characteristics didn't come into it? Do you think he would be charged with a hate crime if the person had blonde hair and blue eyes? Just because they get the "races," wrong sometimes doesn't change the fact that appearance is a factor in this.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
And we're still getting the old chestnut, that hate crime is based on physical characteristics. I give up.

Oh you don't really want to give up do you? Not when you can "wonder," if the anti's are against anti-discrimination laws and be baffled by stuff. Why not just wonder if we're all racists and be done with it?

Tell me this, when someone is charged with a hate crime after beating up an African American while screaming that they hate black people, what would you call that if physical characteristics didn't come into it? Do you think he would be charged with a hate crime if the person had blonde hair and blue eyes? Just because they get the "races," wrong sometimes doesn't change the fact that appearance is a factor in this.

I'm just making the point that beating up a black person or a gay person, or a Jewish person, isn't hate crime. And if I beat up somebody because I thought they were Jewish, that might be a hate crime, even if they're not.
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mdijon:


We talked about revisionist history early - this really is as revisionist as it gets. Sure, slavery and Jim Crow were abolished but the idea that we were on the cusp of race-free utopia until hate crime legislation came along is crazy.

What seems revisionist to me is you taking my opinion that we were moving in the right direction and changing it to "on the cusp of race free utopia."

In my lifetime I've seen huge changes, from a time when there were no African-Americans on TV except for "Amos and Andy," and absolutely no African Americans in management positions over white people, and no black families in white suburban communities, and no inter-marriage in some states, and a hundred small but significant changes -- this denial of any meaningful improvement and your anger at the very suggestion that things might be getting better, makes me wonder why you want to have such a negative view of race relations. Reading your posts is like reading a Toni Morrison novel.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
Tell me this, when someone is charged with a hate crime after beating up an African American while screaming that they hate black people, what would you call that if physical characteristics didn't come into it? Do you think he would be charged with a hate crime if the person had blonde hair and blue eyes? Just because they get the "races," wrong sometimes doesn't change the fact that appearance is a factor in this.

I'm just making the point that beating up a black person or a gay person, or a Jewish person, isn't hate crime. And if I beat up somebody because I thought they were Jewish, that might be a hate crime, even if they're not.
The classic real-life examples would be the several Sikhs attacked or killed in the U.S. by anti-Muslim bigots. As formulated, the fact that these are cases of mistaken identity is not considered a mitigating factor under U.S. hate crime law. What matters is motive, not the "physical characteristics" of the victim's actual religious belief. (And since when is religious belief a physical characteristic?)
 
Posted by Twilight (# 2832) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
Originally posted by Twilight:

We will never get anywhere with this endless counting by color. It's all about a greater percentage of black men in prison than white men, or 70% of black women having illegitimate births verses, 27% of white women depending on which biased group wants to use statistics for their own rant. These numbers are almost always driven by economics but someone always wants to make it about race and it won't be corrected by making corrections based on race.

quote:
The counting by color shows that there's already a set of biases in the justice system and society at large. One approach is to ignore it and shout la-la-la it's un unbiased mechanism and that's just economics.

The reality is by looking at results, you can see what is a nominally an impartial system isn't in practice. Everyone has a right to defend themselves in court, only that requires a lawyer to do so effectively. A lot of poor people can't afford lawyers so there's meager funding for public defenders. This is a practical accommodation to the reality that if it's not done the poor are usually denied justice. Feel free to shout that this is unfair to rich people because it divides people into two economic classes. You'll be laughed at.

I just got through saying that these things are due to economics not race and your reply is to say -- no, it's about economics. (?) I don't know what you thought I meant by economics but I think it means because they're poor.


quote:
Your theory that there was a period of racial equality that is now being ruined by laws which target certain classes is ahistorical. In the U.S. The first laws to get passed by Black people were the anti-lynching laws. This dealt with a common violence that was very largely directed toward Blacks and the occasional Jew. Was this remedy a violation of your desired progress toward blind equality?


Show me where I said there was a period of racial equality?


quote:

I'm fascinated to learn that the great disparity between violence toward gay people because they are gay, and violence toward straight people because they are straight is somehow due to economics. This is nonsense.

It certainly would be nonsense. I said nothing remotely like that. I haven't mentioned gay people at all.

I said, quite plainly, that I thought the reason there are so many black men in jail and so many black single mothers is economic -- in simpler terms, just for you, once again because they are poor.

As for your conclusion that because I'm against hate crime laws, I'm pro-lynching. Well that's just the sort of hateful lie that has finished my participation on this thread.

I'm done.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
The U.S. never passed anti-lynching laws. I am going to post a link which is worksafe, but contains very disturbing images.
Wikipedia lynch law page.
What turned the tide was civil rights legislation. Which, in regards to lynching, was adding an additional penalty to something already illegal.

Illegal, but in practiced tolerated. So are those Civil Rights laws bad because they specify things like race in the same way Hate Crimes laws do?
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
The U.S. never passed anti-lynching laws. I am going to post a link which is worksafe, but contains very disturbing images.
Wikipedia lynch law page.


What turned the tide was civil rights legislation. Which, in regards to lynching, was adding an additional penalty to something already illegal.

My point was that your statement that things were just getting better by themselves before Hate Crimes legislation is not true. You turned that into a claim that I said you were pro-lynching.

Lynching was illegal, but in practiced tolerated. So are those Civil Rights laws bad because they specify things like race in the same way Hate Crimes laws do? Was this an abandonment of your requirement that laws be group neutral?


 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by mousethief:
You're equating the government trying to stop the targeting of minorities with the government targeting a minority? That's crazy talk.

Not crazy at all. There's a distinction between process and content. It's perfectly rational to argue that it's "bad process" to set a precedent of politicians getting too hands-on with the criminal justice system, regardless of whether you agree with the content - the direction in which any particular politician wishes to distort it.

If it's a constitutionally licit use of power for one party to bend the justice system one way it's equally licit when the other party bend it the other way...

The person who is happy with any process that promotes the content they favour is essentially corrupt. Amoral. Lacking in standards of good government.

Having a justice system that's at arms-length from the politicians is a safeguard against tyranny.

You know that when justice is personified, she is traditionally shown blindfolded, because who the criminal is is supposed to be one of those irrelevant factors - we're all, regardless of our social class, ethnicity, gender etc, supposed to keep the same law and be subject to the same penalties if we fail to.

And blind implies colourblind.

There may be a way of framing a hate crime law that does not offend against this fundamental principle of justice. Or the other fundamental principle that a man is punished for his own crime and not anyone else's. And that's part of what we're arguing here.

Law is there to protect us from the exercise of power by others. We the ordinary people need protecting, both from those who try to use their fists and their boots to impose their will, and those who use the coercive power of he State to impose their will.

Going back to Magna Carta, there are rights and freedoms of the ordinary people, a developing tradition enshrined in common law, which protect us against the politically powerful.

There's nothing crazy about wanting to retain and strengthen and uphold all these sort of process-level protections.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Speaking as a shy socially awkward person who wears glasses, I do not feel myself at any particular risk of violence or discrimination. I really don't think it's comparable with the risks of gay-bashing... ..it's silly to imply that somehow gay people face no more risk of violence than people in glasses.

It's good that you don't feel at risk. Ideally no-one should feel at risk.

I'm not arguing that you're mistaken about your current level of safety relative to a hypothetical friend of yours who is gay.

I'm arguing that

- if one of your neighbours was a victim of crime because the criminal felt an irrational animosity towards people with glasses, you might feel intimidated and at risk. Being gay is not a necessary condition of suffering from the wider impacts of a hate crime

- you could conceivably not feel intimidated and at significant risk. It's a likely response but not compulsory. And your gay friend may be similarly brave ? resilient ? blissfully ignorant ? Being gay is not a sufficient condition either.

So why does legislation against hate crime have to list the hate-categories to which it applies ? Why can't we just all agree that intimidating a wider group of people than just the victim of the crime is an aggravating factor, leading to a more severe sentence if the prosecution can demonstrate either an intention to so intimidate or the fact of intimidation resulting from that specific crime ? Why bring minorities into it at all ?

quote:
The idea that advocating legislation against hate crimes is setting aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims contains so many questionable if not silly assumptions that I'm not sure where to start.
If those supporting such legislation didn't make arguments that sounded like that's what they want to do then maybe fewer of the sceptics would think that that's what such legislation does.
Did I say that I suspect that some of the actual laws are less bad than the arguments being made in their favour ?

quote:

Justice is a political aim. In any sense of political aim relevant to this conversation, it's arguably the only political aim.

That sounds like you mean that there's no such thing as objective justice, as something that people of different political outlooks can agree on. That "justice" is nothing more than a word people use to describe their preferred political outcomes. Is that what you mean ? Does an unjust policy in your dictionary mean no more than a policy you don't happen to agree with ?

The extreme case of injustice might be if the state were to execute someone they knew to he innocent, for the sake of trying to secure some good consequence (like an end to widespread rioting in which multiple lives were being lost). What name would you give to the value that is being sacrificed for a supposedly-greater good in that instance. Not asking whether you approve, just what you call it if not "justice" ?

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
we continue to engage with KC
one is resorting to time-travel, even.

If you are referring to my interchange with Dafyd, then first, the difference between the retributive and deterrent theories of punishment is important in itself; secondly, it is pertinent to the discussion of “hate crime”; and thirdly, it is validly illustrated by reference to the eighteenth century penal system.

I thought I had become fairly hardened to the prevalence of historical illiteracy, but I haven’t until now come across anyone who didn’t know the difference between history and “time travel”.

If you cannot grasp the point of an argument, then it is better to remain silent than to try to compensate for your ignorance by trivializing an issue.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
The U.S. never passed anti-lynching laws. I am going to post a link which is worksafe, but contains very disturbing images.
Wikipedia lynch law page.


What turned the tide was civil rights legislation. Which, in regards to lynching, was adding an additional penalty to something already illegal.

My point was that your statement that things were just getting better by themselves before Hate Crimes legislation is not true. You turned that into a claim that I said you were pro-lynching.

Lynching was illegal, but in practiced tolerated. So are those Civil Rights laws bad because they specify things like race in the same way Hate Crimes laws do? Was this an abandonment of your requirement that laws be group neutral?


WTF? Seriously confused.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by mousethief:
You're equating the government trying to stop the targeting of minorities with the government targeting a minority? That's crazy talk.

Not crazy at all. There's a distinction between process and content. It's perfectly rational to argue that it's "bad process" to set a precedent of politicians getting too hands-on with the criminal justice system, regardless of whether you agree with the content - the direction in which any particular politician wishes to distort it.

If it's a constitutionally licit use of power for one party to bend the justice system one way it's equally licit when the other party bend it the other way...

If you think that the process of making laws is "too hands-on", then you fundamentally misunderstand the basic separation of powers utilised in most, if not all, of the countries that Shipmates come from.

I can't recall ever coming across someone before who argues that making legislation is an improper function of the legislature. What exactly is it that you'd like them to do instead?

Rational? Barely.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:

I thought I had become fairly hardened to the prevalence of historical illiteracy, but I haven’t until now come across anyone who didn’t know the difference between history and “time travel”.

Unfortunately, I have come across people who did not understand the difference between literal and metaphor. Though most were either children or of diminished capacity. See below for the sage advice I was once given.
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:

If you cannot grasp the point of an argument, then it is better to remain silent

The point, if I can state it simply enough, is that moral comparisons across different eras are problematic.
As is comparing deterrence between different types of crime.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
So why does legislation against hate crime have to list the hate-categories to which it applies ? Why can't we just all agree that intimidating a wider group of people than just the victim of the crime is an aggravating factor, leading to a more severe sentence if the prosecution can demonstrate either an intention to so intimidate or the fact of intimidation resulting from that specific crime ? Why bring minorities into it at all ?

Because applying your generic law would be to add an extra layer of difficulty. First you'd have to demonstrate the existence of a group.

In fact, all you've done is create an extra layer of jurisprudence where people will argue about which kinds of people can constitute a "group". I bet you the judges will sort out race pretty quickly, and apply precedent, and we'll be back in the same position for race hate crimes. Same with homosexuals I expect.

So again I have to ask: why are you fine with a bunch of judges working that out, and not fine with a legislature saying it? What on earth is the difference?

Or is it that you want us to be able to expand the groups? So that the prosecution is able to argue that computer geeks are a group and the intention was to terrorise computer geeks? Or if someone starts targeting left-handed lesbian gardeners?

All you seem to be objecting to now is that the law announces "we've noticed this group exists". Really? Do you think that the written law should be SO blind to its own society that it doesn't notice which groups are in fact being targeted most frequently and do something about it?

You also seem to think, however, either that judges shouldn't be blind to this and should, effectively, make laws that you won't allow the legislators to make, or that judges should ignore every other case that's been decided by their fellow judges and go through the whole process in each and every case of working out whether or not the victim was a member of some kind of group, then through all the existing processes of working out whether membership of that group was a motivating factor for the crime (as well as all the proof of the actual crime).

Either way, it just feels like you're protesting a process without considering what would happen if a different process was applied, and that it's based on some vague notion of "equality" that says we mustn't ever mention things like race or sex or sexuality.

Anti-discrimination law is actually based on what I've outlined before - not taking something like race into account if it's not relevant. But if it's known that people are targeted for crimes on the basis of race regularly - regularly enough for the politicians to have noticed - then it is relevant.

[ 03. March 2015, 01:21: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
ADDENDUM: And to answer your bogeyman about the awful laws that might be made, many countries have that notion of relevance built into their constitution or bill of rights.

The American law on "equal protection", for example, is based on that exact notion. Courts scrutinise laws - including, I'm sure, criminal laws - to see whether there is a rational basis for distinguishing between groups of people. It's precisely what's been going on in all the same-sex marriage cases - opponents of same-sex marriage try to argue that there is some meaningful difference between same-sex couples and opposite-sex couples, and the courts keep telling them that none of the supposed differences really exist.

You basically are claiming that distinguishing between groups of people offends the notion that "justice is blind". That simply isn't true. What offends that notion is distinguishing between people when there is no relevant difference between them.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
your anger at the very suggestion that things might be getting better, makes me wonder why you want to have such a negative view of race relations. Reading your posts is like reading a Toni Morrison novel.

You went further than saying we were moving in the right direction. You said;

quote:
Originally posted by Twilight:
We really were on our way to a society where children grew up undefined by, and unaware of, such pointless descriptions as "races."

I'm not sure what sort of novel that is from but it certainly isn't from the real world.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
Why can't we just all agree that intimidating a wider group of people than just the victim of the crime is an aggravating factor, leading to a more severe sentence if the prosecution can demonstrate either an intention to so intimidate or the fact of intimidation resulting from that specific crime ? Why bring minorities into it at all ?

How would you define "wider group" for purposes of implementing the act? I can't imagine this working, and can't really see what would be gained by this.

quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If those supporting such legislation didn't make arguments that sounded like that's what they want to do then maybe fewer of the sceptics would think that that's what such legislation does.

Can you point to anyone here making you think that?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
The idea that justice is blind refers to defendants not victims, doesn't it? For example, both rich and poor are supposed to obtain the same degree of justice, if they are accused of a crime. To equalize all victims would be bizarre.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
So why does legislation against hate crime have to list the hate-categories to which it applies ? Why can't we just all agree that intimidating a wider group of people than just the victim of the crime is an aggravating factor, leading to a more severe sentence if the prosecution can demonstrate either an intention to so intimidate or the fact of intimidation resulting from that specific crime ? Why bring minorities into it at all ?

It is according to orfeo, who should know (there being no reason to doubt his testimony as to his day job), more efficient that way, and the potential abuses are less serious than the potential abuses that are closed off by doing so.

quote:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
The idea that advocating legislation against hate crimes is setting aside justice in the name of effectively achieving political aims contains so many questionable if not silly assumptions that I'm not sure where to start.

If those supporting such legislation didn't make arguments that sounded like that's what they want to do then maybe fewer of the sceptics would think that that's what such legislation does.
Unless I've overlooked something, I cannot see how any of the arguments made on this thread can be reasonably interpreted as sounding like that.

quote:
quote:

Justice is a political aim. In any sense of political aim relevant to this conversation, it's arguably the only political aim.

That sounds like you mean that there's no such thing as objective justice, as something that people of different political outlooks can agree on. That "justice" is nothing more than a word people use to describe their preferred political outcomes. Is that what you mean ? Does an unjust policy in your dictionary mean no more than a policy you don't happen to agree with ?
It may sound that way to you. I am not sure why.

It is obviously clear that people of different political outlooks do not agree on what is or is not just. For example, they do not agree on whether it is just for the financially fortunate to contribute more in taxes. It does not follow that people use 'justice' to describe their preferred political outcome; at least some people, within the usual constraints of bias, have a preferred political outcome because that's what they think justice requires.

Even if everyone is self-interested, a major justification for democracy in political processes is that we think the outcome of everyone seeking their own self-interest through political society is more likely to come closer to an objectively just settlement than the outcome under any other political arrangement.

That there is an objective standard of justice, I agree. That everyone agrees on it, I cannot see how anyone could believe.

quote:
The extreme case of injustice might be if the state were to execute someone they knew to he innocent, for the sake of trying to secure some good consequence (like an end to widespread rioting in which multiple lives were being lost). What name would you give to the value that is being sacrificed for a supposedly-greater good in that instance. Not asking whether you approve, just what you call it if not "justice" ?
The question of whether I approve is not separable from the question of what I call it, since pretty much if I think it's unjust I disapprove. If I approved of sacrificing an innocent man for the sake of the people I would probably say that it was permissible within a framework of distributive justice. Consequentialist justifications tend to have thin views of values, and therefore would tend to say that if something is the right thing overall, any value that is being overridden is merely apparent and not genuine.

In any case, nobody in this thread is advocating punishing people for crimes of which they think those people are innocent.

[ 03. March 2015, 10:57: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
I would point out before civil rights laws, we did indeed rely on the system to asses cases in the manner Russ suggests. The results of this lead to the passing of civil rights laws.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
Do you think that the written law should be SO blind to its own society that it doesn't notice which groups are in fact being targeted most frequently and do something about it?

Basically, yes. The politicians should notice and do something. The law should be blind and impartial and impose sentences that are proportional to the moral seriousness of the offence. Different roles. One is to be responsive to observed trends. The other is to uphold principles of justice that are essentially timeless.

Don't know if this example will help:

Failure to display a valid tax disc on one's motor car is an offence in many jurisdictions. It's not a serious crime. On a scale of moral wrongness it ranks as pretty trivial.

If there is a region of the country where this crime is particularly prevalent, this does not make it a serious crime. It may be a serious problem for the motor tax authority but that is not the same thing. High or low incidence of the crime does nothing to the intrinsic moral seriousness (or lack thereof) of that particular offence. It does not justify a higher criminal penalty for those convicted in the high-incidence region.

It is proper for the motor tax authority to try to do something about the high incidence of the crime. It is not proper for that authority to seek to institute the death penalty as a deterrent measure. That would be disproportionate to the moral seriousness of the crime and thus unjust.

Beating people up in the street is a much more serious crime than tax discs. But the same principles apply. The moral seriousness of the act is not increased by the mere fact that there's a lot of it about.

I don't want a system whereby criminal penalties go up and down with the fashion for particular types of crime, with the aim of enhancing or easing off on the deterrent effect so as to maintain a constant rate of offending. That's an inappropriate paradigm - It's looking at it managerially instead of judicially.

Let the politicians spend money on CCTV cameras in high-crime areas, or whatever other high-profile initiative they think will work, so as to both do something and be seen to be doing something. That's politics.

But let the judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular offence. That's proportionality (seeing as some people seem to mean other things by "justice").

Of course there has to be a relationship - as you say, the legislators write the laws. But keep it as far as possible an arms-length relationship - it's healthy if the judges aren't too close to the politicians - there should be a real difference of role.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
Do you think that the written law should be SO blind to its own society that it doesn't notice which groups are in fact being targeted most frequently and do something about it?

Basically, yes. The politicians should notice and do something. The law should be blind and impartial and impose sentences that are proportional to the moral seriousness of the offence. Different roles.
No, they're not different roles at all. Do you actually understand the function of Congress/Parliament? Because this response really, really suggests that you have no idea what our politicians are actually elected to do.

And the rest of your response is in all honesty, no better. You seem to believe that laws exist in some objective way divorced from the people who make them.

[ 04. March 2015, 00:50: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

But let the judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular offence.

Once more for clarity, we tried that, it did not work.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
But let the judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular offence.

And this is also papering over a vitally important distinction with a nice-sounding idea.

Judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular example of the commission of an offence.

They do not judge the inherent seriousness of an offence. They just don't. No judge has ever ruled on whether or not the maximum penalty for an assault should be lower or higher than the maximum penalty for not having a valid motor tax disc. Deciding that question is absolutely and unequivocally the role of the legislature.

If you don't like the legislature's decision because it doesn't accord with your personal notion of the morality, then you vote 'em out and vote in someone who agrees with you on that question.

[ 04. March 2015, 00:58: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:

If you cannot grasp the point of an argument, then it is better to remain silent

The point, if I can state it simply enough, is that moral comparisons across different eras are problematic.
As is comparing deterrence between different types of crime.

No, there were two points, to neither of which are your comments relevant.

The minor one is whether eighteenth century legislation was driven by a retributive or deterrent model of punishment.

The major one, out of which the first emerged as something of a digression, is timeless: which of the two models is preferable.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Are the antis proposing to treat all assaults, or all killings, as equivalent?

Pretty much, yes, because the value of one human life is equivalent to the value of any other human life.

If a Muslim, for example, on the one hand kills a Jew or a Christian, for whatever motive and with however much or little effect on the fears of other Jews or Christians, or on the other hand kills someone of their own ethnicity, religion and sexuality, old or young, disabled or able-bodied, also for whatever motive and with whatever effect, it shouldn’t make any difference.

I would want them (assuming they had been found guilty in a fair trial) to receive no more or less than the prescribed penalty for the deliberate murder of another human being.

To make it even more concrete, a member of Boko Haram who kills a Christian out of hatred for Christians in general, and out of a desire to terrorise Christians, and whose action does indeed cause Christians to flee that area, should receive no greater penalty than if they had killed another Boko Haram member in order to steal their property.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
I would want them (assuming they had been found guilty in a fair trial) to receive no more or less than the prescribed penalty for the deliberate murder of another human being.

There is no such thing in any modern system as "the prescribed penalty for the deliberate murder of another human being".

The very point of our system is that "the value of a human life" is not the only factor in determining the appropriate sentence. You're advocating mandatory sentencing, which is a recipe for injustice.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
ADDENDUM: I mean, surely that's obvious from the very fact that there's a gap between when a person is found guilty of murder and when they are sentenced. If there was a prescribed penalty for murder, everyone would already know it. Sentencing hearings wouldn't exist.
 
Posted by L'organist (# 17338) on :
 
posted by quetzlcoatl
quote:
The idea that justice is blind refers to defendants not victims, doesn't it? For example, both rich and poor are supposed to obtain the same degree of justice, if they are accused of a crime. To equalize all victims would be bizarre.
Yes, the idea that justice is 'blind' does indeed refer to those accused of crime.

But there has to be some equality for victims; otherwise you land yourself in the position of saying that the murder of, say, a 20 year old EDL supporting drug pusher is less important than that of a 35 year old mother of four children. These two victims must be seen as being equal in their victim status, otherwise you're saying that to kill one person is less heinous that another.

For the people related to the two victims their loss is equally unfair, unexpected and unjust. To say otherwise is to make a value judgement of the most crass and obtuse kind.

It may be decided that there are different scales of homicide - as in the system in the US with its degrees - but that is a very different thing from saying that some victims are somehow more 'deserving' of their victimhood than others.

To put into brutal context: part of the ongoing problem with institutional failure to act on grooming of underage girls is that some were seen as being somehow complicit or deserving of their fate - are you saying that is fair?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by L'organist:
but that is a very different thing from saying that some victims are somehow more 'deserving' of their victimhood than others.

You chose your examples to make your point. Let me choose other examples to make the opposite point.

A woman who kills her abusive husband.

Osama bin Laden.

Wording it as "victims" deserving their "victimhood" is just framing you conclusion. Try wording it as whether some dead people deserve their death more than others, and you'll reach a VERY different conclusion.

The fact is some people DO 'deserve' their death more than others. They contributed to it. They caused it in some understandable way. There are some cases where the law goes the whole hog and says that the death is in fact completely justifiable, the most obvious one being self-defence. But there are other cases where the law says that a homicide has been committed, but takes the circumstances of the death into account in sentencing. And I can't think why on earth you would want to take the behaviour of the victim out of the list of circumstances to be taken into account.

Presumably this is why we get all the narrative of, for example, Trayvon Martin as a sweet young teenager which doesn't want to grapple with the evidence, such as it is, that he might have been banging someone's head into the pavement.

To me, the proposition that there should be no difference in the sentence for a killing that had some understandable (but not legally justifiable) context versus the killing of a random innocent person who had done nothing at all to create the situation of their death is just totally wrong.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Are the antis proposing to treat all assaults, or all killings, as equivalent?

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Pretty much, yes, because the value of one human life is equivalent to the value of any other human life...

To make it even more concrete, a member of Boko Haram who kills a Christian out of hatred for Christians in general, and out of a desire to terrorise Christians, and whose action does indeed cause Christians to flee that area, should receive no greater penalty than if they had killed another Boko Haram member in order to steal their property.

So presumably you recognize that this is fundamentally not how justice systems work at the moment across the board - so not simply a problem for hate-crime legislation but in fact for most sentencing.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by L'organist:
posted by quetzlcoatl
quote:
The idea that justice is blind refers to defendants not victims, doesn't it? For example, both rich and poor are supposed to obtain the same degree of justice, if they are accused of a crime. To equalize all victims would be bizarre.
Yes, the idea that justice is 'blind' does indeed refer to those accused of crime.

But there has to be some equality for victims; otherwise you land yourself in the position of saying that the murder of, say, a 20 year old EDL supporting drug pusher is less important than that of a 35 year old mother of four children. These two victims must be seen as being equal in their victim status, otherwise you're saying that to kill one person is less heinous that another.

For the people related to the two victims their loss is equally unfair, unexpected and unjust. To say otherwise is to make a value judgement of the most crass and obtuse kind.

It may be decided that there are different scales of homicide - as in the system in the US with its degrees - but that is a very different thing from saying that some victims are somehow more 'deserving' of their victimhood than others.

To put into brutal context: part of the ongoing problem with institutional failure to act on grooming of underage girls is that some were seen as being somehow complicit or deserving of their fate - are you saying that is fair?

So you are in fact, proposing a quite radical transformation of the legal system, at any rate, English law.

You would treat the killing of a violent husband by his abused wife the same as a gangland execution - in fact, taking the law back to a previous position. Years of campaigning on the issue of provocation would be undone. I wonder how many lawyers, barristers and judges, and also women, would support you.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Are the antis proposing to treat all assaults, or all killings, as equivalent?

Pretty much, yes, because the value of one human life is equivalent to the value of any other human life.

quote:

I would want them (assuming they had been found guilty in a fair trial) to receive no more or less than the prescribed penalty for the deliberate murder of another human being.

Unless you're advocating some form of the lex talionis, it does not follow from the claim that because each human life is of equivalent value that therefore the penalty for deliberate murder should be equal.

A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice. If retribution is supposed to be proportional to culpability, then given that most moral systems believe that motivtion is a large factor in culpability, it follows that retributive theorists should consider motivation to be as large or a larger factor in sentencing than the value of the wrong actually done.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
The politicians should notice and do something. The law should be blind and impartial and impose sentences that are proportional to the moral seriousness of the offence.

What is the something that the politicians are to do that doesn't involve the law? Stand up and make stern speeches saying they jolly well don't approve?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?

Precisely. The entire point of different offences having different maximum penalties is to reflect the views of the legislature, and by extension the views of the society they represent and who elected them, as to which offences are more serious.
 
Posted by Crœsos (# 238) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by L'organist:
It may be decided that there are different scales of homicide - as in the system in the US with its degrees - but that is a very different thing from saying that some victims are somehow more 'deserving' of their victimhood than others.

I'm not sure it's that different. Certain types of homicides are even classified as non-criminal (e.g. killing in self defense). That kind of a legal distinction certainly seems like it's apportioning at least some of the blame to the homicide victim, and the distinction is derived primarily from the motives of the killer.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?

Is that how you decide what's moral ? Take a vote on it ?
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

But let the judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular offence.

Once more for clarity, we tried that, it did not work.
Do you have any idea what an unconvincing moral argument that is ?

Is it OK to lie if you first try telling the truth but find that that doesn't get you what you want ?

Does being unsuccessful in asking nicely for something make it OK to steal it ?

So why on earth should you think that an unjust legal process can be made morally licit by problems encountered in implementing a just process ?

Once more for clarity, you should decide whether you're arguing on grounds of justice (a.k.a. punishment proportional to the moral seriousness of the actual crime that the individual has committed, taking proven intent and proven consequences into account) or on the grounds of other considerations outweighing those of such proportionality (a.k.a. doing something even though you know it's unjust).

If you argue on the wider ground, it sounds like you're conceding on the narrower ground...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
]What is the something that the politicians are to do that doesn't involve the law? Stand up and make stern speeches saying they jolly well don't approve?

If what they want to do is to "send a message" about what they consider to be acceptable behaviour, then that might be the right way to do it.

But what I had in mind is that deterrence has two parts - the likelihood of getting caught and the unpleasantness of what happens to you if you are caught.

Targeting police resources to increase the likelihood of getting caught seems like a managerial response to a management problem.

Whereas punishing those you happen to catch more severely than their offence warrants, as a means of trying to deter those you can't catch, is a judicial response that treats them as a means to an end. It's not just.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?

Is that how you decide what's moral ? Take a vote on it ?
Wow, this thread is misrepresentation alley.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

Does being unsuccessful in asking nicely for something make it OK to steal it ?

WTF? Steal what?
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

So why on earth should you think that an unjust legal process can be made morally licit by problems encountered in implementing a just process ?

The system before Civil Rights legislation was not just. Hate crime laws are just because two crimes are being committed. The assault/murder/etc. against the direct victim and the fear it installs, and is intended to installin people of similar makeup to the victim.

Adding additional legislation is not "stealing". It is refining the system so that justice cannot be stolen.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

Whereas punishing those you happen to catch more severely than their offence warrants,

It is NOT punishing more severely, but making the punishment more commensurate with the crime.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
Judges judge on the inherent seriousness of the particular example of the commission of an offence.

They do not judge the inherent seriousness of an offence. They just don't. No judge has ever ruled on whether or not the maximum penalty for an assault should be lower or higher than the maximum penalty for not having a valid motor tax disc. Deciding that question is absolutely and unequivocally the role of the legislature.

Not being a lawyer, my use of language is less precise than yours. I've been using "crime" and "offence" interchangeably to mean both what the criminal actually did (held up Lloyds Bank at 2pm on Thursday) and the charge against him (robbery with violence ?). I've also been using "judges" and "politicians" when I should probably have said "legal system" and "political system".

When I read in a newspaper that someone has been put in prison, I want it to be because he or she has done something sufficiently evil that they deserve to be in prison. I don't want the direct cause of their being in prison to be that some politician thought it would improve his or her chances of re-election.

The good and bad things about our system of governance is something of a tangent, and I'd rather not go there.

Sorry for my sloppiness of language. I hope it hasn't obscured the important point. Which is to agree with laws that allow harsher sentences for instances of crime where there are genuine aggravating factors. But disagree with laws that undermine the blindness of justice.

If the argument is that many "gay-bashing" muggings (to take one example) are worse than the average mugging because
- being attacked with hate is worse for the victim, and/or
- a whole group of "indirect victims" is intimidated thereby

then I don't see why the law shouldn't address these aggravating factors directly. Why not make that the element that triggers the possibility of the more serious penalty ?

Thus avoiding the potential twin injustices of
- over-punishing a criminal who deliberately picked a gay victim but attacked him without hate in a way that didn't intimidate others
- under-punishing a criminal who employed that aggravated level of hate or intimidation against someone fat, elderly, left-handed etc - groups that are not recognised political minorities.

Isn't that the important point ?

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?

Is that how you decide what's moral ? Take a vote on it ?
What the fuck would you suggest? Having a lucky dip? Doing the I-Ching? Picking the petals off daisies?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
If the argument is that many "gay-bashing" muggings (to take one example) are worse than the average mugging because
- being attacked with hate is worse for the victim, and/or
- a whole group of "indirect victims" is intimidated thereby

then I don't see why the law shouldn't address these aggravating factors directly. Why not make that the element that triggers the possibility of the more serious penalty ?

Thus avoiding the potential twin injustices of
- over-punishing a criminal who deliberately picked a gay victim but attacked him without hate in a way that didn't intimidate others
- under-punishing a criminal who employed that aggravated level of hate or intimidation against someone fat, elderly, left-handed etc - groups that are not recognised political minorities.

Isn't that the important point ?

Best wishes,

Russ

How exactly do you propose a prosecution proves, in court, in each individual case, that a disparate group of people within the community were intimidated?

Also, your theoretical person who "deliberately picked a gay victim but attacked him without hate" is a very bizarre creature indeed. How exactly do you deliberately choose someone, because they're gay, to attack, but attack "without hate"?

I honestly can't think of a scenario where this makes sense. Either you're talking about something like self-defence where there's simply no kind of crime at all and the other elements of the offence aren't proved, or you're talking about an intentional assault where simultaneously you want to say the victim was deliberately chosen to be assaulted for a reason but... but what?

It sounds oddly reminiscent of statements like "I'm not homophobic, I just don't want homosexuals to have any of the rights of normal people and they're all going to burn in hell."
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
I thought that moral seriousness is one of the factors behind hate crime legislation. Doesn't society (and Parliament, in a British context), find such crimes abhorrent?

Is that how you decide what's moral ? Take a vote on it ?
Yes. Yes it is. That's what democratic society is.

If you want to live in a society where what's moral is decided by another method, then Iran is available. It's a theocracy. We could have a Christian theocracy, but then it's forcing all the non-Christians to live by Christian teachings (assuming the Christians all manage to actually get together and agree what Christian teachings ARE).

People who believe that our laws should be based on "morality" always seem to believe that this will inevitably mean that laws will accord with what they think is moral. They always seem terribly surprised that opinions about the morality of various actions aren't universally shared.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Well, having a vote is so plebeian, isn't? Surely, we should consult some people who have a grave moral sensibility about them, or maybe we could let the Tory Party decide all our laws?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Alternatively, we could only convict people when they break their own moral code.

Of course, it seems that some people's moral codes regard things like treating women as owned objects as acceptable, so it could get a little awkward having them in the same society as people who find that distinctly not okay, like many women.

Also, driving at potentially lethal speeds is fairly popular. And defrauding people who 'deserve it' because they're rich and stupid appears to be satisfying to many. Not only have I seen it semi-advocated here on the Ship, but it's pretty much the basis for the UK TV show Hustle.

[ 05. March 2015, 01:17: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:

When I read in a newspaper that someone has been put in prison, I want it to be because he or she has done something sufficiently evil that they deserve to be in prison. I don't want the direct cause of their being in prison to be that some politician thought it would improve his or her chances of re-election.

The good and bad things about our system of governance is something of a tangent, and I'd rather not go there.


You just went there. In a democratic society we vote on how to deal with moral issues. It's a very imperfect system.

It's unfortunate when politicians pander to an electorate by passing bad laws. The drug laws in the United States are an example. We live with the excesses of the system and hope that we can elect statesmen and not demagogues. Failing that, we hope that there's enough diverse parties that a standoff is achieved. But if that's your issue, it's not just hate crimes, it's all legislation that has this problem.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
[Eek!] I must be more in the tune with the zeitgeist than I imagined. I honestly had no idea when I wrote my last couple of posts earlier today that this was happening in a courtroom about 15 minutes drive away.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice. If retribution is supposed to be proportional to culpability, then given that most moral systems believe that motivtion is a large factor in culpability, it follows that retributive theorists should consider motivation to be as large or a larger factor in sentencing than the value of the wrong actually done.

You're confusing legality and morality.

If a group of young men are horsing around and one of them impulsively throws a brick through a shop window, he will receive the same legal penalty as someone who did it cold-bloodedly because he disliked the shop-keeper, even though arguably from a strictly moral point of view the latter is more culpable than the former.

[ 05. March 2015, 04:21: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice. If retribution is supposed to be proportional to culpability, then given that most moral systems believe that motivtion is a large factor in culpability, it follows that retributive theorists should consider motivation to be as large or a larger factor in sentencing than the value of the wrong actually done.

You're confusing legality and morality.

If a group of young men are horsing around and one of them impulsively throws a brick through a shop window, he will receive the same legal penalty as someone who did it cold-bloodedly because he disliked the shop-keeper, even though arguably from a strictly moral point of view the latter is more culpable than the former.

No. He won't. Because YOU are confusing guilt with sentencing.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Hate crime laws are just because two crimes are being committed. The assault/murder/etc. against the direct victim and the fear it installs, and is intended to installin people of similar makeup to the victim.

You're begging the question.

The issue under discussion is whether or not trying to instil (not install) fear is, or should be, in fact a "crime".

For example it is not - and presumably no-one on the Ship thinks it should be - a crime for Marxist firebrands to threaten the bourgeoisie with a bloody revolution which will deprive them of their property, and possibly their liberty and even lives.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Can't stick to the point?
Not enough meat in your argument to keep it relevant to the discussion?
Hate crime laws exist to make sentencing commensurate with the crime.
The bourgeoisie are not in current threat, so the crime of the Marxists would simply be inciting violence.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice. If retribution is supposed to be proportional to culpability, then given that most moral systems believe that motivtion is a large factor in culpability, it follows that retributive theorists should consider motivation to be as large or a larger factor in sentencing than the value of the wrong actually done.

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
You're confusing legality and morality.

If a group of young men are horsing around and one of them impulsively throws a brick through a shop window, he will receive the same legal penalty as someone who did it cold-bloodedly because he disliked the shop-keeper, even though arguably from a strictly moral point of view the latter is more culpable than the former.

It seems pretty clear to me and to people with professional interests that our justice systems do not work like that.

Hence all the discussion on this thread about how your principles against hate crime legislation turn out to be principles against how our justice systems work across the board.

But you don't seem able to take this on board.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
Whereas punishing those you happen to catch more severely than their offence warrants, as a means of trying to deter those you can't catch, is a judicial response that treats them as a means to an end. It's not just.

You're begging the question of whether 'what the offence warrants' is indeed a fixed quantity irrespective of wider patterns of behaviour.

Also, I personally think that if someone has committed a crime it is then just to treat them, within limits, as a means to an end. That's how I think punishment is justified. If you want to argue for a purely retributive theory of justice you can go ahead; but you need to argue it. It's hardly a universally shared opinion. I don't think it's fully tenable; especially not in a pluralist or secular society that aspires not to impose any single system of values on all members.
 
Posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider (# 76) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Hate crime laws are just because two crimes are being committed. The assault/murder/etc. against the direct victim and the fear it installs, and is intended to installin people of similar makeup to the victim.

You're begging the question.

The issue under discussion is whether or not trying to instil (not install) fear is, or should be, in fact a "crime".

For example it is not - and presumably no-one on the Ship thinks it should be - a crime for Marxist firebrands to threaten the bourgeoisie with a bloody revolution which will deprive them of their property, and possibly their liberty and even lives.

Actually, if the threats are credible, then it might well be a crime. Threats to kill certainly are.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice.

You're confusing legality and morality.

If a group of young men are horsing around and one of them impulsively throws a brick through a shop window, he will receive the same legal penalty as someone who did it cold-bloodedly because he disliked the shop-keeper, even though arguably from a strictly moral point of view the latter is more culpable than the former.

If legality isn't based on moral desert, but on legal desert, why may not considerations such as deterrence or rehabilitation enter into legal desert?

The idea that all people should be treated as of equal worth is a moral idea. If you're going to argue that legality mustn't be confused with morality, then you can't just bring in that moral value unannounced: you have to argue for why that particular moral idea ought to be brought in, but other moral ideas ought to be kept out.

The whole justification for a retributive system of punishment depends on a link between what is morally deserved and what is legally inflicted. If you break that link, the retributive justification breaks down entirely as far as I can see.

The conception of legal desert as opposed to moral desert can only be a positivistic claim about what the laws actually entail (whether or not they're based on theocratic principles or deterrent principles). You can perhaps add in some meta-political considerations about what is required of human beings who do not necessarily share moral values in order to live together in society. But those kinds of consideration can only justify punishment on Lockean grounds: that is, deterrence including incapacitation.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
For example it is not - and presumably no-one on the Ship thinks it should be - a crime for Marxist firebrands to threaten the bourgeoisie with a bloody revolution which will deprive them of their property, and possibly their liberty and even lives.

I certainly think that if a couple of gentlemen in ill-fitting suits come into a shop and make remarks about it being a pity if someone were to burn the shop down until the shopkeeper gives them money, that should count as a crime.

What is the difference between that and firebrands calling for Marxist revolution? I think it's partly that the Marxist isn't articulating any immediately credible threat, and partly that the Marxist is not himself directly implicated in the violence he is predicting.

There's a fine line between denouncing Western society as corrupt and deserving of destruction, and actually calling on eager young men to go out and do some destroying. And the criminal law ought to err on the side of non-intervention.

But also, I think that any society, however unjust, does have a legal even if not a moral right, to prevent actual revolution. If you're planning a violent revolution you can't complain when the powers that be try to stop you, even if you're right and they're wrong.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Karl: Liberal Backslider:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Hate crime laws are just because two crimes are being committed. The assault/murder/etc. against the direct victim and the fear it installs, and is intended to installin people of similar makeup to the victim.

You're begging the question.

The issue under discussion is whether or not trying to instil (not install) fear is, or should be, in fact a "crime".

For example it is not - and presumably no-one on the Ship thinks it should be - a crime for Marxist firebrands to threaten the bourgeoisie with a bloody revolution which will deprive them of their property, and possibly their liberty and even lives.

Actually, if the threats are credible, then it might well be a crime. Threats to kill certainly are.
It also depends on the social and historical context, doesn't it? If some academic seminar is discussing Marxism, nobody would give a toss. But if some jihadi-like group emerged, it would be different.

In fact, only several years ago, you could go and enjoy jihadist speeches on the streets of London, even from Abu Hamsa himself; there is more of a crackdown now, for obvious reasons. Is this unjust?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Should be Hamza.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
If a group of young men are horsing around and one of them impulsively throws a brick through a shop window, he will receive the same legal penalty as someone who did it cold-bloodedly because he disliked the shop-keeper, even though arguably from a strictly moral point of view the latter is more culpable than the former.

What? In what part of the civilised world is that remotely true?

As someone who has actually stood up in front of Judges and made pleas in mitigation, let me assure you that the offender's motivation, the reason for the crime, is of huge significance, as is the effort the offender has made and will make towards rehabilitation.

The idea that it could make no difference to sentence whether an act of criminal damage was motivated by stupid impulsiveness, or deliberate malice intended to cause distress or intimidation is utterly mistaken. A criminal advocate (prosecutor or defender) would approach the two cases completely differently, as would any judge.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
There seems to be a parallel world going on in this thread, in which the antis seek to equalise crimes, so that motivation, effects on the victims, and so on, are ignored. Then usually, someone else says, it doesn't work like that.

I am curious if such a jurisdiction exists anywhere; it would be interesting to see how it works.
 
Posted by Eliab (# 9153) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
There seems to be a parallel world going on in this thread, in which the antis seek to equalise crimes, so that motivation, effects on the victims, and so on, are ignored. Then usually, someone else says, it doesn't work like that.

Agreed.

The last criminal trial I did was for an environmental protection offence: the director of a private medical practice being charged with an offence for allowing offensive waste (blood-contaminated sharps) to be dumped in insecure plastic bags in the street.

The reason for the offence was that a member of staff had got confused about what went into which bin, and ended up sticking clinical waste into an ordinary waste-paper bin. My client was, however, guilty of the offence because the Court found that although she was personally careful and conscientious, the bin policy she was responsible for was insufficient to guard against foreseeable human error. The district judge, finding her technically guilty but not at all blameworthy, gave her a conditional discharge (no penalty, provided the offence is not repeated).

If she'd been reckless about safe disposal of waste, she'd have been charged with precisely the same offence and fined several thousand pounds. If she had intentionally and maliciously dumped exactly the same waste on a neighbour's doorstep, in order to inconvenience or distress them, or get them into trouble, she'd have been charged with harassment and quite possibly gone to jail.

The same physical act - causing icky medical waste to be dumped on the street - can be an utterly repugnant crime warranting imprisonment, or a pardonable failing not deserving of punishment at all, or anything in between, and the ONLY difference is the offender's motivation.

Is anyone really saying that the offence should be treated exactly the same regardless of motivation? How would that not be completely unfair and idiotic?
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
There seems to be a parallel world going on in this thread,

Perhaps because there is parallel existence in the real world. some do not see it, whether they've never walked near it border or whether they refuse to see.
 
Posted by mdijon (# 8520) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
There seems to be a parallel world going on in this thread, in which the antis seek to equalise crimes, so that motivation, effects on the victims, and so on, are ignored. Then usually, someone else says, it doesn't work like that.

To which there is then no response, except to go round the loop again. It is quite odd.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
[QUOTE]Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Hate crime laws are just because two crimes are being committed. The assault/murder/etc. against the direct victim and the fear it installs, and is intended to installin people of similar makeup to the victim. [/QUOTE

The issue under discussion is whether or not trying to instil (not install) fear is, or should be, in fact a "crime".

Do you think it is, morally speaking, a crime ?

I've agreed that it is. But if you got a good argument to the contrary I might change my mind...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Eliab:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
There seems to be a parallel world going on in this thread, in which the antis seek to equalise crimes, so that motivation, effects on the victims, and so on, are ignored.

The same physical act - causing icky medical waste to be dumped on the street - can be an utterly repugnant crime warranting imprisonment, or a pardonable failing not deserving of punishment at all, or anything in between, and the ONLY difference is the offender's motivation.

Is anyone really saying that the offence should be treated exactly the same regardless of motivation?

I'm not saying that. But then I consider my position to be "sceptical" rather than "anti"....

Kaplan did seem to be saying that. Not sure if he really means it.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
Interesting case in the UK today, where a chemistry teacher was jailed, as he was planning to go to Syria.

I think these cases are arousing some disquiet, when there appears to be no violence committed, but presumably, an intention to do so.

I suppose they are justified as the only way to stop people going to Syria. But you could argue that it's getting close to thoughtcrime.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
Interesting case in the UK today, where a chemistry teacher was jailed, as he was planning to go to Syria.

I think these cases are arousing some disquiet, when there appears to be no violence committed, but presumably, an intention to do so.

I suppose they are justified as the only way to stop people going to Syria. But you could argue that it's getting close to thoughtcrime.

There have long been crimes on the books for planning to do something. Conspiracy charges are the first thing that came to mind, but you need more than one person involved for that. And there tends to be a distinction made between just thinking about doing something and taking at least some steps towards the goal.

If you have any links to stuff that might point me towards the exact nature of the offence, I'd be interested.

[ 06. March 2015, 00:30: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
PS The BBC news report I found says that he actually admitted to 2 counts of "engaging in conduct in preparation of terror acts".

The idea of "engaging in conduct" is pretty much to rule out just thinking about it. But if he admitted his guilt there really isn't much scope for exploring just what is sufficient conduct.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:

Hate crime laws exist to make sentencing commensurate with the crime.

You're begging the question again.

quote:
The bourgeoisie are not in current threat, so the crime of the Marxists would simply be inciting violence.
If the point is the instilling of fear, then whether or not there is a credible threat, and whether or not anyone from the bourgeoisie who claims to be afraid is being sincere or not, is beside the point.

If anyone claims to be afraid (and it is not difficult to think of historical examples when the threat of revolution would have been taken seriously) then you have the double whammy of grave threats to freedom of speech, along with a threat of litigation for simply instilling fear.

As other posters have pointed out,a contemporary example is Muslims predicting a global jihad, which they should be perfectly free to do without threat of litigation for frightening people.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Ladies and Gentlemen, Osmium has been dethroned.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
If legality isn't based on moral desert, but on legal desert, why may not considerations such as deterrence or rehabilitation enter into legal desert?

As far as possible, legality should be based on moral desert.

If it is morally wrong to destroy someone else's property, then it should be legally wrong to smash someone's shop window.

This isn't always easy to do, but it is infinitely preferable, for all its untidiness, to a deterrence theory of punishment which cannot show why it is wrong to publicly torture someone to death for smashing a shop window, as long as there is a fair chance of its putting off other potential smashers.

Deterrence and rehabilitation cannot "enter into legal desert" because "desert" implies justice, and both these concepts, pleasing as they are are when they (unpredictably)happen as a by-product of punishment, have nothing to do with justice.

[ 06. March 2015, 05:06: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Ladies and Gentlemen, Osmium has been dethroned.

But Osmium is a stable element.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
If legality isn't based on moral desert, but on legal desert, why may not considerations such as deterrence or rehabilitation enter into legal desert?

As far as possible, legality should be based on moral desert.

If it is morally wrong to destroy someone else's property, then it should be legally wrong to smash someone's shop window.

In which case...
A retributivist theory of justice, setting aside the lex talionis or some form of hyper-Kantianism, might well be even more sensitive to the motivation of the wrongdoer than a deterrent theory of justice. If retribution is supposed to be proportional to culpability, then given that most moral systems believe that motivtion is a large factor in culpability, it follows that retributive theorists should consider motivation to be as large or a larger factor in sentencing than the value of the wrong actually done.

quote:
This isn't always easy to do, but it is infinitely preferable, for all its untidiness, to a deterrence theory of punishment which cannot show why it is wrong to publicly torture someone to death for smashing a shop window, as long as there is a fair chance of its putting off other potential smashers.
One of the basic principles of a deterrent theory is that you don't escalate punishment before you have to. That is, if you want to stop people who've smashed shop windows from going on to steal things, and you want to stop people who've stolen things from killing people in the course of the robbery, and you're already torturing people for smashing the shop windows, you haven't got anywhere to go.

The other problem with your argument is that a deterrent theory of punishment will presumably not occur in moral isolation. A retributive theory of punishment thinks that punishment suspends the normal rules of how to treat people. A purely deterrent theory thinks they're all still in force, and therefore whatever you're doing as a deterrent. So even an act utilitarian would argue that you can't torture someone if the good benefits of doing so are insufficient, which they probably are.

quote:
Deterrence and rehabilitation cannot "enter into legal desert" because "desert" implies justice, and both these concepts, pleasing as they are are when they (unpredictably)happen as a by-product of punishment, have nothing to do with justice.
Deterrence and rehabilitation have nothing to do with justice and desert only if you make the prior assumption that you can reserve the terms 'justice' and 'desert' for a retributive theory. In particular, it is hard to express a rehabilitative theory without a concept of desert.
 
Posted by Barnabas62 (# 9110) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Ladies and Gentlemen, Osmium has been dethroned.

You can say "that is a dense post", but not "you are a dense Shipmate". Personally, I'm not clear which of those two meanings to apply to your comparison but it seems a good idea to remind you and everyone else where the line is. And of course Hell is always available.

Barnabas62
Purgatory Host
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:

Hate crime laws exist to make sentencing commensurate with the crime.

You're begging the question again.

I honestly can't see that this is begging the question more than some of your own observations, which don't seem to come to grasp with the notion of sentencing at all. More than once you seem to have treated legal questions as ending with whether someone is guilty or not, which is simply not the case.

Guilt only establishes that you are liable to a legal penalty. It doesn't establish what that legal penalty will be - not unless you have mandatory sentencing regimes, which are a bad idea precisely because they create serious injustice by preventing a judge from dealing with an individual case on its individual merits.

The existence of a hate crime does not automatically subject people to a higher sentence. It makes a higher sentence available. These aren't the same thing, and it's vitally important to understand they aren't the same thing.

[ 06. March 2015, 13:17: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
Also, we get to decide what a crime is. There isn't an abstract concept of jurisprudence out there that we all draw on. We make it up as we go along, decriminalising some things and criminalising others as they have greater or lesser impact on society.
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Barnabas62:
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Ladies and Gentlemen, Osmium has been dethroned.

You can say "that is a dense post", but not "you are a dense Shipmate". Personally, I'm not clear which of those two meanings to apply to your comparison but it seems a good idea to remind you and everyone else where the line is. And of course Hell is always available.

Barnabas62
Purgatory Host

Because I cannot honestly say it was only the line of argument that my comment was directed towards, and because I truly do not want to, I must issue an apology. And so I do.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
There isn't an abstract concept of jurisprudence out there that we all draw on.

Well, I believe there is, but we are trying to aim for genuine Justice as best we can, and apply it as is best appropriate in civil society.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
PS The BBC news report I found says that he actually admitted to 2 counts of "engaging in conduct in preparation of terror acts".

The idea of "engaging in conduct" is pretty much to rule out just thinking about it. But if he admitted his guilt there really isn't much scope for exploring just what is sufficient conduct.

I think he helped some other people get to Syria, which is enough now to get you arrested. I suppose it shows how relative these things are, to the situation.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by ChastMastr:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
There isn't an abstract concept of jurisprudence out there that we all draw on.

Well, I believe there is, but we are trying to aim for genuine Justice as best we can, and apply it as is best appropriate in civil society.
The problem is, that the same act, e.g. killing someone, can be judged to be heroic, accidental, murderous, sadistic, justified, and so on, depending on circumstances. The law cannot ignore or erase them.
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by ChastMastr:
quote:
Originally posted by Doc Tor:
There isn't an abstract concept of jurisprudence out there that we all draw on.

Well, I believe there is, but we are trying to aim for genuine Justice as best we can, and apply it as is best appropriate in civil society.
Justice is not, rightly or wrongly, tablets of stone. Ever since we started arguing about whether it was "Thou shalt not murder" or "Thou shalt not kill", it's been a question of context.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Heck, by the time you get to Numbers chapter 35 there's explicit reference to different kinds of killing.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
We're trying to make our laws more just--i.e., fulfilling genuine abstract Justice--by considering circumstances, yes. That doesn't mean that the abstract virtue doesn't exist.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributive theory of punishment thinks that punishment suspends the normal rules of how to treat people.

No it doesn't.

For a start, it is "normal" to try to treat people in accord with justice and desert, not merely on utilitarian grounds.

Secondly, if by "normal" you mean a hope that a penalty will deter as well as punish, then sure, of course anyone will hope that that happens, and it sometimes does, but it must not be the first consideration in a legal system.

quote:
In particular, it is hard to express a rehabilitative theory without a concept of desert.
On the contrary, it is all too easy.

A rehabilitative theory can jettison all idea of personal autonomy, free will, guilt, desert and justice, and simply treat the subject as a maladjusted, inadequately socialised individual who needs to be conditioned into adopting different attitudes before being released.

This, of course, under the guise of being progressive and enlightened, is in fact hideously dangerous and dehumanising.

As in the deterrent theory, there would be nothing wrong with using torture if it were in the long-term interests of the criminal - sorry, patient! - and society.

C.s. Lewis, in his The Humanitarian Theory of Punishment, wrote: "Only the expert' 'penologist" (let barbarous things have barbarous names), in the light of previous experiment, can tell us what is likely to deter: only the psychotherapist
can tell us what is likely to cure. It will be in vain for the rest of us, speaking simply as men, to say, "but this punishment is hideously
unjust, hideously disproportionate to the criminal's deserts." The experts with perfect logic will reply, "but nobody was talking about
deserts. No one was talking about punishment in your archaic vindictive sense of the word. Here are the statistics proving that this treatment
deters. Here are the statistics proving that this other treatment cures. What is your trouble?"

That doesn't mean that rehabilitation, in the usual usage of the word, can't accompany punishment, and it is just common sense to have educational and vocational facilities in jails, on the off chance that they might do some good.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
The entire point of different offences having different maximum penalties is to reflect the views of the legislature, and by extension the views of the society they represent and who elected them, as to which offences are more serious.

That's half the story. The other half is about the moral duty on those who write the laws and make the judgments to try to ensure that those laws and judgments comply with "natural law" (also known as objective morality or capital-J Justice). Whether or not it's popular to do so.

If you omit that half of the story, it sounds like you believe in vox populi, vox Dei - the doctrine that there is no value system by which the consensus of a society can be judged. So that, for example, if a slave-owning society has a law that a man can do what he wishes with his own slave, up to and including torture and murder, then as long as that law accurately reflects the consensus of that society, that's a good law. I don't think you believe that. But that seems to be the logical conclusion from the argument you're making.

I agree with Dafyd's point that Justice doesn't dictate the exact penalty for every crime. There's a lot of scope for particular societies to decide, for example, that crimes against property are more or less serious relative to crimes of inflicting physical pain or crimes against the reputation of individuals.

But I'm arguing that there is a point where people of goodwill should stand up to the consensus of society and say "no this isn't right".

And that there are some ways of framing and interpreting a hate crime law - e.g ways that make it a bigger crime for a straight person to assault a gay person than for a gay person to assault a gay person - which cross that line and are not Just.

It may be that the particular form of hate crime law that you favour doesn't offend against Justice in that way. But arguing that it doesn't cross that line is a different thing from trying to argue the line out of existence...

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Russ,

Have you been following the Ferguson thread? Especially the Justice Departments findings just released? Notably regarding
this judge and the collusion with the city to target black people. And this is despite safeguards meant to avoid such. And you would allow more discretion on the part of judges?
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A retributive theory of punishment thinks that punishment suspends the normal rules of how to treat people.

No it doesn't.

For a start, it is "normal" to try to treat people in accord with justice and desert, not merely on utilitarian grounds.

Secondly, if by "normal" you mean a hope that a penalty will deter as well as punish, then sure, of course anyone will hope that that happens, and it sometimes does, but it must not be the first consideration in a legal system.

Let's illustrate the point with a basic retributive system: the lex talionis. Advocates of the lex talionis believe that it's wrong to knock people's eyes out - except in the special case that the person has knocked someone else's eye out, in which case you may go ahead.
More sophisticated retribution theorists believe that you may not normally hold people against their will, except in the special case that they've committed a crime, in which case authorised people may go ahead.
You may not normally kill people, unless the person has committed a capital crime, in which case a retribution theorist who believes in the death penalty argues that you may go ahead.

In all three cases, a moral rule is suspended or overridden. You may treat people who deserve punishment in a way that would normally be morally wrong. Whether you ground your moral obligations to other people in compassion or justice or good will, those moral obligations only reach the punishee so far.

Deterrent theories and rehabilitation theories are not normally modules like that. That is, even if you can show that a particular punishment satisfies deterrent or rehabilitation criteria, you still have to show that it satisfies general moral criteria as well.
It's therefore as a general case a straw man to say that as long as a sentence such as torture might deter, a deterrence theorist must approve of it.

quote:
quote:
In particular, it is hard to express a rehabilitative theory without a concept of desert.
On the contrary, it is all too easy.

A rehabilitative theory can jettison all idea of personal autonomy, free will, guilt, desert and justice, and simply treat the subject as a maladjusted, inadequately socialised individual who needs to be conditioned into adopting different attitudes before being released.

I think it is difficult to express such a theory coherently without using some thinly disguised substitute for desert. The theorist could say that the subject warrants treatment, and that treatment should stop when the subject ceases to warrant it, but the theorist is basically using 'warrant' in a sense that means 'deserve'.

The spectre of 'conditioning' depends rather on a Skinnerian behaviourist view of human action. Skinnerian behaviourism is no longer widely accepted anywhere, for a number of reasons, including conceptual incoherences such as the one I've just pointed out.

I've read the Lewis article, thank you. It is in part why I'm a mixed theorist in the abstract case. Nevertheless, in the concrete, deterrent theorists or rehabilitation theorists who argue as he thinks they might are remarkably thin on the ground. (Perhaps the advocates of the continuance of unlawful detention in Guantanamo Bay are the only real examples; and even they tend to mix up deterrent arguments with claims that the unfortunates deserve it anyhow.)

quote:
That doesn't mean that rehabilitation, in the usual usage of the word, can't accompany punishment, and it is just common sense to have educational and vocational facilities in jails, on the off chance that they might do some good.
In the context of the rest of your post, this is as if one were to say, that of course civilian area bombing is an atrocity, but that doesn't mean attacks on civilians can't accompany bombing runs against military targets and it just common sense to drop spare bombs on civilian targets on the off chance that they might do some good.

If you think rehabilitation is a dangerous and dehumanising goal, you can't then say there's no reason not to do it alongside punishment, or that you may put facilities in prisons on the off chance that they might do something you think dangerous and dehumanising.
(I can assume you're not going to argue that you're using 'rehabilitation' in the 'ordinary' sense, but the rehabilitation theorist is using it in some esoteric sense known only to you and quite unknown to most rehabilitation theorists, can't I?)
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
The entire point of different offences having different maximum penalties is to reflect the views of the legislature, and by extension the views of the society they represent and who elected them, as to which offences are more serious.

That's half the story. The other half is about the moral duty on those who write the laws and make the judgments to try to ensure that those laws and judgments comply with "natural law" (also known as objective morality or capital-J Justice). Whether or not it's popular to do so.
Well, fine then. As soon as you find a nice, clear, reliable source of natural law that everyone agrees on, everything will be just fine and dandy. But see below.

quote:
If you omit that half of the story, it sounds like you believe in vox populi, vox Dei - the doctrine that there is no value system by which the consensus of a society can be judged.
Well if there's consensus in society, exactly who is going to do the judging?

quote:
So that, for example, if a slave-owning society has a law that a man can do what he wishes with his own slave, up to and including torture and murder, then as long as that law accurately reflects the consensus of that society, that's a good law.
It's a law that no-one is going to complain about.

quote:
I don't think you believe that. But that seems to be the logical conclusion from the argument you're making.
No, the logical conclusion of the argument that I'm making is that the proposition that there is such a thing as an objectively unjust law that is going to be struck down if everyone agrees with it is a bit like Schroedinger's cat: unobservable.

quote:

I agree with Dafyd's point that Justice doesn't dictate the exact penalty for every crime. There's a lot of scope for particular societies to decide, for example, that crimes against property are more or less serious relative to crimes of inflicting physical pain or crimes against the reputation of individuals.

But I'm arguing that there is a point where people of goodwill should stand up to the consensus of society and say "no this isn't right".

Which they are perfectly free to do. If they get any traction, it rather shows that there isn't a consensus in society, and in fact this is simply another example of vox populi in action. I'm not sure why you think it isn't vox populi when people start objecting to a law that has been put in place by legislators. It's the very POINT of democracy that, once elected, our legislators are still subject to people expressing their dislike of what is done, and many decisions are reversed precisely because people say that they're not okay with the decision.

You also still seem not to be taking into account the fact that to be within power, any law must accord with the relevant constitution/bill of rights (also expressing the will of the people), and that such documents frequently have the kind of Justice statements you're looking for. Again, I refer you to all the same-sex marriage cases in the United States.

quote:
And that there are some ways of framing and interpreting a hate crime law - e.g ways that make it a bigger crime for a straight person to assault a gay person than for a gay person to assault a gay person - which cross that line and are not Just.
Who says? Who says that isn't Just?

This is precisely the problem I have with your notion of natural law. It seems you and I disagree as to its content.

quote:

It may be that the particular form of hate crime law that you favour doesn't offend against Justice in that way. But arguing that it doesn't cross that line is a different thing from trying to argue the line out of existence...

Or it may be that just because you declare you know where the line is doesn't automatically mean the other 7 billion people on the planet agree with you.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
And frankly, Russ, if we're going to start applying Vox Dei to things like the treatment of gays, there are people out there who are going to argue that Justice for gays involves stoning them to death.

Do you think they're right? Or do you think that's not Just?

That's the whole problem with Vox Dei. People don't seem to hear God too clearly. If faced with a choice, then Vox populi, Vox Dei is about the best choice available because I can't think of any objective method for working out whether it's Vox Ross or Vox orfeo or Vox Phelps that best reflects the actual Vox Dei.

The reason we use consensus is because it's better than any of the other methods for being led astray by the deafness of any particular person to God's will.

[ 07. March 2015, 22:24: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by lilBuddha:
Russ,

Have you been following the Ferguson thread? Especially the Justice Departments findings just released? Notably regarding
this judge and the collusion with the city to target black people. And this is despite safeguards meant to avoid such. And you would allow more discretion on the part of judges?

I would agree that more unaccountable decisions by Judges is not a cure. However, if your read A portrait of Ferguson The report appears implicate the Mayor and City Manager and the majority of the city council, the judge, the police and the court administration such as the court clerk who was since forced to resign as knowing about the revenue driven approach" The City government was pressuring and rewarding the Judge to increase fines revenue.

The scale of dysfunction is pretty staggering, and shifting divisions of responsibility is not going to fix it. The Federal Justice department is considering negotiating a settlement with the city and demanding a court appointed master supervising. If the city doesn't agree, they will probably be sued. The problem with the settlement is that Some in Ferguson Who Are Part of Problem Are Asked to Help Solve It
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I think it is difficult to express such a theory coherently without using some thinly disguised substitute for desert. The theorist could say that the subject warrants treatment, and that treatment should stop when the subject ceases to warrant it, but the theorist is basically using 'warrant' in a sense that means 'deserve'.

Not necessarily at all.

"Warrant" can simply mean that the subject now thinks and acts in accord with the theorist's criteria for social conformity, psychological "normality", or whatever.

quote:
(Perhaps the advocates of the continuance of unlawful detention in Guantanamo Bay are the only real examples; and even they tend to mix up deterrent arguments with claims that the unfortunates deserve it anyhow.)
You won't get an argument out of me about Guantanamo.

Its inmates should long ago have had specific charges brought against them, been openly and fairly tried, and then released or punished.

Where I differ with many other critics of Guantanamo is in wanting to know why those indignant champions of justice have had so little to say about the far worse injustice being perpetrated in the rest of Cuba since 1959.

quote:
If you think rehabilitation is a dangerous and dehumanising goal,
It is quite beyond me how you could read that into what I wrote.

I made it quite clear that there are two separate types of rehabilitation.

The first is an alternative to retributive punishment; is compulsory and coercive; overrides the subject's humanity and individuality; and is open-ended as to its duration, concluding only when the subject is "cured".

The other takes place alongside retributive justice; is voluntary; offers straightforward training such as literacy or use of computers, instead of messing with the subject's mind; and ends when the subject's allotted sentence is finished.

[ 08. March 2015, 08:36: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
The reason we use consensus is because it's better than any of the other methods for being led astray by the deafness of any particular person to God's will.

OK, let's think about consensus.

In a small-group situation, consensus means talking it out until a proposal is reached that everyone consents to. It's an alternative to other methods such as
- taking a vote so that the will of the majority prevails
- everyone having an opportunity to convince the leader, and then he takes a decision.

I agree that consensus is a good method, but there my be circumstances when the others are appropriate.

When dealing with complex issues, it may be better to take the consensus of the group as to the principles and then use reason to apply them in individual cases, rather than seeking a consensus on each individual case.

When it comes to society as a whole, getting the consent of everybody is just impractical. If we say that "the general consensus of society is X" I suggest that we mean something like "a large majority of people who've thought about it believe X; for someone seen as mainstream to express the opposite view is surprising or newsworthy".

Requiring a general consensus before a particular action is taken is clearly intermediate between

- requiring 100% agreement between all the individuals in the society

- requiring a Parliamentary majority (which would need 50%+1 in favour, if the electoral system perfectly translated votes into seats, and if this was the only political issue at stake in the election).

I initially read your post as saying that you'd want 100% agreement before you'd concede that there was a general consensus for something that you're personally against (like slave-owning) but that you'd feel justified in imposing on others something that you're personally for (like hate crime laws) on the basis of a Parliamentary majority.

I hope that you can see the lack of integrity in such a position, and that that wasn't what you meant.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
This discussion reminds me of Churchill - democracy is complete crap, until you look at all the other systems.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This discussion reminds me of Churchill - democracy is complete crap, until you look at all the other systems.

Yup.

I know that this board, with its Christian background, has plenty of people on it who believe in some kind of external, objective notion of Justice, or of natural law.

Let me be up front about it. I don't believe in any such thing these days in any practical sense. This doesn't mean I don't believe in God or in some kind of morality, but I simply don't see how any such system can sensibly be applied to laws, because (1) laws apply across the whole of society, and (2) it's just completely, utterly impossible to get the whole of society to agree to the content of this "natural law" beyond a few platitudes that aren't very helpful - and even they'll you'll be pushing your luck to get complete agreement.

Even if you line up 10 people who all nod and agree that yes, there's such a thing as natural law and it's objective... start asking them questions about the content of natural law and they'll have descended into a fight within half an hour.

If anything, the Ship of Fools is the place where I've learned just how many different things people can believe that God has said. Which is all well and good so long as one is just expressing opinions and then moving back into one's own personal universe, but is completely impossible to work with as a basis for rules.

So what's left? I think democracy is really the only way to work a system so that as many people as possible within society are reasonably happy with legal outcomes. It's a lot more complex than just being a simple "majority rules" on every single issue and case, because there's a complex web of interactions and decisions at different levels, and constantly shifting balances. But basically, we have a system that survives because most people are sufficiently happy with it. If people aren't sufficiently happy with the system, what results is protests, disobedience and ultimately revolution.
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
Oh, and Russ: stop swinging between "consensus" and "general consensus" as if they mean the same thing. They don't. "Consensus" indicates a lack of dissent. "General consensus" indicates not too much dissent.

If you were trying to talk about "general consensus" before then you should have said "general consensus" and I would have responded differently.

But you didn't. You kept talking about society's "consensus".

Suggesting I lack integrity because I responded to what you actually said, instead of what you now think you meant to say, is just flat out rude.

[ 08. March 2015, 11:17: Message edited by: orfeo ]
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
Suggesting I lack integrity because I responded to what you actually said, instead of what you now think you meant to say, is just flat out rude.

No rudeness intended, orfeo. I thought I'd been at pains to say that it was a particular position that lacks integrity (rather than your good self), and to give you an opportunity to clarify whether that is your position or whether I'd misunderstood (which happens).

Getting offended isn't constructive. Either agree the value (double standards are bad) and deny the fact (that double standard does not represent your position). Or agree the fact and explain why you think it is right to apply a double standard in this context. Which is it ?

When you read about past or present societies that you consider unpleasant - societies with slaves, societies with gas chambers, societies with secret police - is it your view that such social systems are morally bad ? Or are they no more than not to your personal taste ?

I'm wondering on what basis you can criticise such (what I might call evils) if you've disallowed justice as a basis ?

And I would hope that such principles as
- not punishing one person for what another has done
- not punishing one person more than another for the same crime in the same circumstances
are sufficiently widely-held in our society to qualify as a "general consensus". (As well as being part of the natural justice that you don't think anyone can know).

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Doc Tor (# 9748) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
And I would hope that such principles as
- not punishing one person for what another has done
- not punishing one person more than another for the same crime in the same circumstances
are sufficiently widely-held in our society to qualify as a "general consensus".

I'm fine with that, but I still disagree with you, because I happen to think that 'gay bashing' is a crime with more elements to it than just 'bashing'.

And the general consensus appears to be with me and those that do. So where does that leave your argument?
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by orfeo:
quote:
Originally posted by quetzalcoatl:
This discussion reminds me of Churchill - democracy is complete crap, until you look at all the other systems.

Yup.

I know that this board, with its Christian background, has plenty of people on it who believe in some kind of external, objective notion of Justice, or of natural law.

Let me be up front about it. I don't believe in any such thing these days in any practical sense. This doesn't mean I don't believe in God or in some kind of morality, but I simply don't see how any such system can sensibly be applied to laws, because (1) laws apply across the whole of society, and (2) it's just completely, utterly impossible to get the whole of society to agree to the content of this "natural law" beyond a few platitudes that aren't very helpful - and even they'll you'll be pushing your luck to get complete agreement.

Even if you line up 10 people who all nod and agree that yes, there's such a thing as natural law and it's objective... start asking them questions about the content of natural law and they'll have descended into a fight within half an hour.

If anything, the Ship of Fools is the place where I've learned just how many different things people can believe that God has said. Which is all well and good so long as one is just expressing opinions and then moving back into one's own personal universe, but is completely impossible to work with as a basis for rules.

So what's left? I think democracy is really the only way to work a system so that as many people as possible within society are reasonably happy with legal outcomes. It's a lot more complex than just being a simple "majority rules" on every single issue and case, because there's a complex web of interactions and decisions at different levels, and constantly shifting balances. But basically, we have a system that survives because most people are sufficiently happy with it. If people aren't sufficiently happy with the system, what results is protests, disobedience and ultimately revolution.

Yes, I can't see any other system working. For example, you could have a panel of judges determining laws, but that would could cause massive problems, to do with accountability.

Or maybe an aristocratic elite - that way lies revolution.

So-called objective morality does not solve the problem of 'who whom?'
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
I think it is difficult to express such a theory coherently without using some thinly disguised substitute for desert. The theorist could say that the subject warrants treatment, and that treatment should stop when the subject ceases to warrant it, but the theorist is basically using 'warrant' in a sense that means 'deserve'.

Not necessarily at all.

"Warrant" can simply mean that the subject now thinks and acts in accord with the theorist's criteria for social conformity, psychological "normality", or whatever.

If you think that behaviourist kind of theory can be stated coherently in its own right, do your best.

quote:
quote:
If you think rehabilitation is a dangerous and dehumanising goal,
It is quite beyond me how you could read that into what I wrote.

I made it quite clear that there are two separate types of rehabilitation.

I was wrong. You were going to argue that you're using 'rehabilitation' in the 'ordinary' sense, but the rehabilitation theorist is using it in some esoteric sense known only to you and quite unknown to most rehabilitation theorists.

There are not two separate types of rehabilitation. You're constructing a straw man. C.S.Lewis had an excuse in that Skinner was a fad in his lifetime.
 
Posted by Palimpsest (# 16772) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
[And I would hope that such principles as
- not punishing one person for what another has done
- not punishing one person more than another for the same crime in the same circumstances
are sufficiently widely-held in our society to qualify as a "general consensus". (As well as being part of the natural justice that you don't think anyone can know).

Best wishes,

Russ

The "general consensus varies on this when there are conspiracies. See the RICO laws on gang crimes for an example. If a lynch mob kills someone are the only members of the mob who should be punished be the ones who pulled the rope?
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
When you read about past or present societies that you consider unpleasant - societies with slaves, societies with gas chambers, societies with secret police - is it your view that such social systems are morally bad ? Or are they no more than not to your personal taste ?

The question simply doesn't matter in this context, because I don't get to set the laws of another society. Heck, I'm against the death penalty, which is used in both societies 'civilised' people are allowed to look down their nose at and the country that claims to be the leader of the free world.

Do any of those countries give a damn whether that's because I think the death penalty is morally bad or just 'not to my taste'? No.

Does my own government care if I don't like the content of the laws I draft? No, not really. My entire job (like the job of most public servants) consists of implementing the ideas of other people. It hasn't really come up as a moral question that I can recall, but there are times when I think those ideas are stupid, and while I can question to some extent if I think, for example, that something won't work, at the end of the day I'm not given that kind of unilateral decision-making power.

No-one is. There's a whole bunch of checks and balances designed to ensure that no one person or group gets all the power.

So when you ask me, what do I think of a practice or rule of another society, I find myself wondering why you want to know. Even if I say something is morally bad, so what? What practical outcome is there going to be of that view?

I'm totally in favour of people being able to argue that this or that law should or shouldn't be in place. I'm also fine with people arguing that from a viewpoint that's based on morality. The problem is that morality is not some kind of trump card, and that's precisely because the Morality of Orfeo might be entirely different from the morality of several billion other people. You simply can't talk about "Morality" as if it's some kind of universal objective standard.

Just as importantly, believing in Absolute Truth is not the same thing as believing that I know the Absolute Truth. I might have the opinion that some practice is morally wrong, but my opinion might be 'objectively' wrong - meaning that it's not in accord with God's opinion, God being the most likely source of any morality that's external to the varying opinions of human beings.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
There are not two separate types of rehabilitation. You're constructing a straw man.

Oh yes there are, and I outlined them quite clearly.

The first, and unacceptable, version, might not always be expressed explicitly, or practised, in terms of Skinnerian behaviourism.

However;-

1.Any theory which makes rehabilitation, rather
than justice, the essence of its penal system,
is incapable of demonstrating that coercive
conditioning is wrong so long as there is a
chance of its working.

2. Something very close to morally dubious, and
very dangerous, rehabilitation theory is
exemplified in sentencing which requires
subjects to undergo compulsory ideological
"training" in topics such as "diversity'.

It is not the role of a penal system to change
attitudes.

3. Far from being some sort of chimera or
bogeyman, the unacceptable version of
rehabilitation is all too real, and has
been practised extensively in the "re-
education" camps of China, North Korea and
Vietnam.

[ 09. March 2015, 04:55: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by orfeo (# 13878) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
It is not the role of a penal system to change
attitudes.

No, apparently it's the role of a penal system to be a revolving door.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
There are not two separate types of rehabilitation. You're constructing a straw man.

Oh yes there are, and I outlined them quite clearly.
The face that I set out a straw man quite clearly does not stop it from being a straw man. I could outline a retributive theory according to which what a criminal deserves is coercive conditioning. However, if I'm arguing with a retributive theorist who specifically rules that out, it would be a straw man no matter how clearly I outline it.

quote:
Any theory which makes rehabilitation, rather than justice, the essence of its penal system, is incapable of demonstrating that coercive conditioning is wrong so long as there is a chance of its working.
If someone thinks the outcome of conditioning is the same thing as rehabilitation, then that person is a seriously disturbed individual.

quote:
Something very close to morally dubious, and very dangerous, rehabilitation theory is exemplified in sentencing which requires subjects to undergo compulsory ideological "training" in topics such as "diversity'.

It is not the role of a penal system to change attitudes.

Well, of course if you start doing diversity training, the next thing you'll be doing communist brainwashing.

To me that looks like a slippery slope argument followed by a question begging assertion.

quote:
Far from being some sort of chimera or bogeyman, the unacceptable version of rehabilitation is all too real, and has been practised extensively in the "re- education" camps of China, North Korea and Vietnam.
I feel that the problems of the Chinese and North Korean penal systems go beyond anything that can be attributed to a rehabilitation theory.
If a rehabilitation theory isn't isolated from the rest of the moral code in the way that a retibutive theory is, it does of course inherit any problems with the overall moral code. That tells nothing against the rehabilitation as a goal as such.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
When you read about past or present societies that you consider unpleasant - societies with slaves, societies with gas chambers, societies with secret police - is it your view that such social systems are morally bad ? Or are they no more than not to your personal taste ?

I'm wondering on what basis you can criticise such (what I might call evils) if you've disallowed justice as a basis ?

I agree that most parties to moral disagreement argue on the implicit basis that there is some truth of the matter independent of the parties involved. Unfortunately, just because the truth of the matter is independent of the parties involved the parties can't have an infallible awareness of what the truth of the matter actually is. The parties involved have to run their country on the best arguments available to them at the time.

Also, even assuming that there are objective facts about 'justice' in a broad sense, or social justice, it doesn't follow that a purely retributive theory of punishment is true. I'm sure there are philosophers who hold that a deterrent theory of punishment is objectively true.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
just because the truth of the matter is independent of the parties involved the parties can't have an infallible awareness of what the truth of the matter actually is. The parties involved have to run their country on the best arguments available to them at the time.

Yes, indeed. Do the best they can to ensure proportionality, in the knowledge that both their own and other's moral intuitions are fallible, and therefore look to arguments and reasons to resolve tensions.

One of the techniques of argument that is useful is to see whether that fine-sounding principle for doing what you feel is moral isn't equally a justification for doing something you don't feel is moral. If it's valid in the one case, why not in the other ?

The opposite approach is to give up on Justice altogether in favour of some more easily measurable aim, to treat some authority as infallible, and to disdain comparative argument because it's not about that, it's about this.

It's clearly not the case that being wrong about justice is difficult. The options then are that being wrong is easy (so try hard, be rigorous in argument, forgive others for making mistakes, and don't pretend to be infallible). Or that being wrong is impossible (because one man's intuition is as good as another's). Objectivity or subjectivity.

Sometimes it feels like I spent half of my time on these boards arguing against the position that the Bible says thou shalt not do something, and the other half against the position that the Guardian says we must do something....

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Where I differ with many other critics of Guantanamo is in wanting to know why those indignant champions of justice have had so little to say about the far worse injustice being perpetrated in the rest of Cuba since 1959.

The matter of Cuba's rights and wrongs is arguably worthy of its very own thread, but I'll point out one reason: Because Cuba isn't part of the US or under US jurisdiction and its laws. Things done by the US government are done in our name; things done by the Castro regime are not.
 
Posted by ChastMastr (# 716) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
There are not two separate types of rehabilitation. You're constructing a straw man. C.S.Lewis had an excuse in that Skinner was a fad in his lifetime.

Though that doesn't mean it's not around in other ways, in other places, etc., and should not be guarded against.

But that said...

quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:


1.Any theory which makes rehabilitation, rather
than justice, the essence of its penal system,
is incapable of demonstrating that coercive
conditioning is wrong so long as there is a
chance of its working.

2. Something very close to morally dubious, and
very dangerous, rehabilitation theory is
exemplified in sentencing which requires
subjects to undergo compulsory ideological
"training" in topics such as "diversity'.

It is not the role of a penal system to change
attitudes.

I actually don't agree here. I do agree that penalties for crimes need to be, first and foremost, specific, limited, and fair. But surely there can be some sort of rehabilitation made available for people to be able to become part of society again? It doesn't mean keeping them locked up until they pass some sort of weird test, but something to help people with social skills, or badly-needed therapy, as at least a voluntarily-chosen option while they're there?
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by ChastMastr:
But surely there can be some sort of rehabilitation made available for people to be able to become part of society again? It doesn't mean keeping them locked up until they pass some sort of weird test, but something to help people with social skills, or badly-needed therapy, as at least a voluntarily-chosen option while they're there?

I have more than once in this thread expressed my support for rehabilitative facilities to be made available for offenders, provided that they are voluntary, and not a substitute for just, proportional and limited retributive punishment.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by ChastMastr:
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
Where I differ with many other critics of Guantanamo is in wanting to know why those indignant champions of justice have had so little to say about the far worse injustice being perpetrated in the rest of Cuba since 1959.

The matter of Cuba's rights and wrongs is arguably worthy of its very own thread, but I'll point out one reason: Because Cuba isn't part of the US or under US jurisdiction and its laws. Things done by the US government are done in our name; things done by the Castro regime are not.
I would have thought that the scope and intensity of wrongs committed by a state or other regime is at least as important a consideration in exposing them, as whether or not they have any connection with one's own country.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
When you read about past or present societies that you consider unpleasant - societies with slaves, societies with gas chambers, societies with secret police - is it your view that such social systems are morally bad ? Or are they no more than not to your personal taste ?

I'm wondering on what basis you can criticise such (what I might call evils) if you've disallowed justice as a basis ?

I agree that most parties to moral disagreement argue on the implicit basis that there is some truth of the matter independent of the parties involved. Unfortunately, just because the truth of the matter is independent of the parties involved the parties can't have an infallible awareness of what the truth of the matter actually is. The parties involved have to run their country on the best arguments available to them at the time.

My apologies in advance if I have misunderstood you, and am misrepresenting your position, but if you are saying that utilisation of gas chambers and secret police can be dismissed as merely a matter of running a country on the basis of “the best arguments available at the time”, then I think we have a candidate for the Quotes File.
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
quote:
Something very close to morally dubious, and very dangerous, rehabilitation theory is exemplified in sentencing which requires subjects to undergo compulsory ideological "training" in topics such as "diversity'.

It is not the role of a penal system to change attitudes.

Well, of course if you start doing diversity training, the next thing you'll be doing communist brainwashing.
First, compulsory attitude-changing treatment, such as is sometimes enforced in Western legal systems, is wrong in itself, whatever one's opinion of the prospect of its leading to anything worse.

Secondly, the "Reds under the bed, ha ha ha" "argument" is well past its use-by date.

quote:
Far from being some sort of chimera or bogeyman, the unacceptable version of rehabilitation is all too real, and has been practised extensively in the "re- education" camps of China, North Korea and Vietnam.
quote:
I feel that the problems of the Chinese and North Korean penal systems go beyond anything that can be attributed to a rehabilitation theory.

No doubt, but the fact remains that rehabilitation theory is the ostensible rationale for a horrifyingly large and repulsive proportion of it.

[ 10. March 2015, 05:54: Message edited by: Kaplan Corday ]
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Kaplan Corday:
My apologies in advance if I have misunderstood you, and am misrepresenting your position, but if you are saying that utilisation of gas chambers and secret police can be dismissed as merely a matter of running a country on the basis of “the best arguments available at the time”, then I think we have a candidate for the Quotes File.

You know damn well that's misrepresenting my position.
 
Posted by Eutychus (# 3081) on :
 
hosting/

And both of you know damn well that the next stop on this getting-personal line is Hell.

/hosting
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
If a lynch mob kills someone are the only members of the mob who should be punished be the ones who pulled the rope?

My understanding is that to incite others to commit wrongdoing is itself a form of wrongdoing, and that those who join the fringes of a lynch mob are - in various degrees - guilty of inciting the unlawful killing that is likely to be the result. But it is their own action - their own intent and its consequence - for which they should be punished. Not for any unrelated crime that other members of the mob may take it into their head to commit.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
If a lynch mob kills someone are the only members of the mob who should be punished be the ones who pulled the rope?

My understanding is that to incite others to commit wrongdoing is itself a form of wrongdoing, and that those who join the fringes of a lynch mob are - in various degrees - guilty of inciting the unlawful killing that is likely to be the result. But it is their own action - their own intent and its consequence - for which they should be punished. Not for any unrelated crime that other members of the mob may take it into their head to commit.

Best wishes,

Russ

I have hazy memories of two incidents from years ago with a bearing on this issue.

One is a Jodie Foster movie based on an actual incident in which a woman was raped in a bar, and there was a successful move to prosecute the onlookers who didn't participate, but encouraged the rapist.

The other is an incident in apartheid -era South Africa in which there was a successful move to exonerate imprisoned members of a mob which had "necklaced" a black policeman, on the grounds that the charged had incited, but had not actually physically carried out, the atrocity.
 
Posted by quetzalcoatl (# 16740) on :
 
The controversy over joint enterprise in English law is about this, I think. Gang members can be prosecuted for murder, without lifting a finger, if another member did the murder, and they were 'at the scene'. It seems open to abuse.
 
Posted by Dafyd (# 5549) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Russ:
quote:
Originally posted by Palimpsest:
If a lynch mob kills someone are the only members of the mob who should be punished be the ones who pulled the rope?

My understanding is that to incite others to commit wrongdoing is itself a form of wrongdoing, and that those who join the fringes of a lynch mob are - in various degrees - guilty of inciting the unlawful killing that is likely to be the result. But it is their own action - their own intent and its consequence - for which they should be punished. Not for any unrelated crime that other members of the mob may take it into their head to commit.
Making a comparison to hate crimes here I think forces the word 'unrelated' to bear more weight than it can do.

Let's take three cases:
1) A CofE lynch mob takes a particular dislike to Methodists, and finding three Methodists, strings them up (they refused cake). I assume we can agree that this is mass murder and worse than just stringing up one Methodist.
2) The lynch mob, as above, splits into three separate mobs; each mob finds a single Methodist and strings him up individually; they then meet up again and congratulate each other. I can't see that this is in any way deserving of a lesser punishment than in case 1, even if in some sense the crimes are unrelated. Arguably it is more serious, in that there's a clearer intent to hunt down all Methodists who are out and about, rather than some particular group.
3) Having strung up a Methodist, one section of the lynch mob goes off and strings up a Presbyterian. The rest of the lynch mob have no quarrel with Presbyterians and are shocked when they hear of it. In this sense, the crimes are unrelated.

Now it appears to me that hate crimes directed against a particular group are closer to case 2 than they are to case 3.

[ 11. March 2015, 09:01: Message edited by: Dafyd ]
 
Posted by lilBuddha (# 14333) on :
 
Actually Dafyd, you'd need to preface the CofE have for years been stringing up Methodists, beating them, excluding them, choking them with cake, etc.
And then your cases happen.
 
Posted by Russ (# 120) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
Let's take three cases:
1) A CofE lynch mob takes a particular dislike to Methodists, and finding three Methodists, strings them up (they refused cake). I assume we can agree that this is mass murder and worse than just stringing up one Methodist.
2) The lynch mob, as above, splits into three separate mobs; each mob finds a single Methodist and strings him up individually; they then meet up again and congratulate each other. I can't see that this is in any way deserving of a lesser punishment than in case 1, even if in some sense the crimes are unrelated. Arguably it is more serious, in that there's a clearer intent to hunt down all Methodists who are out and about, rather than some particular group.
3) Having strung up a Methodist, one section of the lynch mob goes off and strings up a Presbyterian. The rest of the lynch mob have no quarrel with Presbyterians and are shocked when they hear of it. In this sense, the crimes are unrelated.

Now it appears to me that hate crimes directed against a particular group are closer to case 2 than they are to case 3.

You could add:

4) having met in the central square and worked themselves up into a frenzy, the mob splits into three. One group go east, find a Methodist and string him up. One group go north, find two Methodists, and hang them from the same lamppost. One group go west, find no-one, and eventually disperse to their homes with a sense of anti-climax.

5) after a provocative TV programme, anti-Methodist mobs spring up spontaneously in Hertford, Hereford and Hampshire, and one Methodist is lynched in each place.

Even in case 1), I'd want to distinguish at least three different levels of guilt:
- those who physically did the deed
- those who intended the killings and incited (or conspired with) others to commit them
- those who didn't intend the killings, who were at the back of a large mob where they couldn't see what was going on, who thought they were on a protest march (or we're trying to get through the crowd to someone they'd spotted who owed them a fiver). Or were trying to interview the participants for the local newspaper...

In case 5), there is no communication between mobs, so no-one is guilty of either committing or inciting the killings in the other places.

In case 2), it seems like each individual has a higher level of involvement in the murder committed by their own group. But arguably the entire group conspired in all three killings, depending on what communication passed between them before they split up.

In case 4), the group who didn't kill anybody seem substantially less guilty than the groups that did. Consequences matter as well as intent; they'll never know if they would have actually have followed through on their declared intention. Not sure exactly what they should be charged with.

In case 3), those who set a bad example by stringing up a Methodist are not entirely innocent of the death of the Presbyterian. By their action they helped to make that crime seem acceptable, by eroding the rule of law and encouraging a disrespect for the rights of others. A weak form of incitement, perhaps ?

The argument that has been put for "hate crime" laws is that as well as punishing the mob-members for the death of 3 Methodists - whatever the distribution of guilt between them - they should be punished for the climate of fear in which the surviving Methodists must now exist. That argument seems to me to have some merit. But the same factors of intent and consequence apply - it is to be proven in court that this was both intended and a consequence of the accused's own actions.

What doesn't have merit is the idea that it matters whether the individuals who make up the mob are C.of.E, RC, atheist or lapsed Methodist.

Best wishes,

Russ
 
Posted by Kaplan Corday (# 16119) on :
 
quote:
Originally posted by Dafyd:
A CofE lynch mob takes a particular dislike to Methodists, and finding three Methodists, strings them up (they refused cake).

I grew up Methodist, and have had quite a lot to do with Anglicans all my life, but this is my first introduction to the recondite field of placental ecclesiology.
 


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